


















^-^ ^«^^* ^^'^_ *^ 







, _ '^■.<,^- 







HISTORY OF AMERICA, 

IN TWO BOOKS. 

CONTAINING, 

1 j1 Getieral History of Arnerica^ 

2 A Concise History of the late 

Revolution. 



A NEW EDITION. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
PRINTED FOR JAMES WEBSTER. 

1819. 



CONTENTS. 



BOOK i. 



GENERAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

Extent and Boundaries of America — Grand objeds which It 
prefents to view — its Mountains—Rivers — Lakes — its ex- 
ceffive Luxuriance of Vegetation — remarkable Prevalence 
of Cold —accounted for — Climate not malignant-— nor un- 
commonly infefted with Infeds and noxious Reptiles . 9 



CHAPTER IL 



General Defcrlption of the Natives — their peculiarities of 
Ornament and drefs — remarkable Infenfibility to Pain, and 
to the Inclemencies of Weather— terrible Trials undergone 
by their Chiefs. a 6 



\v CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER III. 



iiftoms and Manners of the Aborigines of North-America. 
IT ore particularly — their Penfivenefs and Taciturnity- 
Form of Government— Public Aflemblics— Wampums, o: 
Belts. 38 



CHAPTER IV. 

Cuftoms, &c. of the Natives continued—Their Wars— Cere- 
monies at fetting out — Enfigns— Military habits — Quick- 
nefs of their fenfes— Vigilance and Circumfpeiilion— Man- 
ner of Fighting — Treatment of Prifoners — Tortures — 
Conftancy of the Sufferers — Surprifing Ccntraft in the 
American Charader. 43 



CHAPTER V. 

Cttftoms, &:c. of the Natives, continued — Treatnient of their 
dead Friends — Superflitions — Condition of their Women- 
Ardent Love of Liberty — Crimes and Punifhments — Pe- 
culiar Manners of different Nations— Longevity. 55 



CHAPTER VI. 

Other Pidures of the Native Americans— Anecdote of an 
Algonquin Woman — Reproached with PufiUanimity — 
Perfidy — Wcakncfs of Undcrftanding — Indolence and Stu- 
pidity — Vanity and Conceit— their Eloquence difparag- 
cd. 64 



CHAPTER VII. 

All the Charges in the foregoing Chapter partial, and not 

' free from mifreprefentatlon — Their Senfibility, &c. — Th^ir 

Courage — Their Politenefs and Civility. 74 



CONTENTS. V 

CHAPTER YiU. 

Of the Peopling of America — Old and New-Continent fup- 
pofed to have been formerly joined — ^At prefent feparated 
only by a narrow Strait — Conjedures concerning the firft 
Migrations into the New-Continent — Mr. Tenant's opi- 
nion — Cuftoms, &c. common to the Eaftern Afiatics and 
the Americans— Brute Creation migrated by the fame 
Route. 79 



CHAPTER X. 
Remains of Antiquity in America. 97 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Ancients fuppofed to have had fome imperfe($l Notion of 
a New World — Pretenfions of the Welfli to the Difcovery 
of America — ^Thofe of the Norwegians better founded — 
Projedls of Christopher Columbus — his Voyage — Ai- 
tonifhment occafioned by obferving the variation of the 
Compafs — his perilous fituation — his Crew ready to muti- 
ny — their Joy on defcrying Land — they land on one of the 
iflands of the New- World — the Continent afterwards dif- 
covered. lOO 



CHAPTER XII. 

The Difcovery and Conqueft of Mexico. II5 

CHAPTER XIII. 
The Difcovery and Conqueft of Peru, 186 



viii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Spain joins the Confederacy againft Great Britain — Expedi- 
tion of the Britifh againft Gharlefton — Attack on Staten- 
Illand — Proceedings of Congrcfs — Arrival of the French 
Troops — Gen. Gates defeated — Gen. Arnold deferts — Un- 
happy Fate of Major Andre — Arnold's Reafons for his 
Condu<a— other Reafons — Captur c of Mr . Laurens. 385 



CHAPTER IX. 

Revolt of the Pcnnfylvania line — Tarleton defeated — Battle 
at Guildford — Battle at Eutaw — AAion between the 
French and Britifli Fleets off the Chcfapeak — Capture of 
Cornwallie. 409 



CHAPTER X. 

Sir Guy Carleton arrives in New- York with powers to treat 
of Peace— -Different Places evacuated by the Britifti troops 
— Independency of America acknowledged— The army 
di(banded, and Gen. WafhingtOB refigns his Commiffion — 
Lofs of Men and Trcafure by the War. 44^ 



A 

GENERAL HISTORY 



OF 



AMERICA. 



BOOK I. 



CHAPTER I. 

Extent and Boundaries of America — Grand objeBs 
which it prejents to view — its Alountains — Ri- 
vers — Lakes — its excejjive Luxuriance of Vege- 
tation — remarkable Prevalence of Cold— account- 
ed for — Climate not malignant — nor uncommouh 
infefled with InfeEls and noxious Reptiles, 

jl\MERICA is one of the four quarters 
of the world, probably, the largeft of the whole, 
and is, from its late difcovery, frequently deno- 
minated the New- World J or New Hemifphere. 

This vaft country extends from the 80th de- 
gree of north, to the .o6th degree of fouth, lati- 
tude i and, where its breadth is known, from the 
35th to the 136th degree of weft longitude from 
B London ; 



iO GENERAL HISTORY. 

London; flretching between 8000 and 9000 
miles in length, and its greateft: breadth 3690. 
It fees both hcmifpheres, has two fummers and 
a double winter, and enjoys almoft all the variety 
of climates which the earth affords. It is wafh- 
ed by the two great oceans. To the eaftward, it 
has the Atlantic, which divides it from Europe 
and Africa; to the weft, it has the Pacific or 
Great South-Sea, by which it is feparated from 
Afia. By thefe feas it may, and does, carry on 
a dire(5l commerce with the other three parts of 
the world. 

America is not of equal breadth throughout 
its whole extent ; but is divided into two great 
continents, called Norths and South America, by 
:ni ifthmus 1500 miles long, and which, at 
Uarien, about Lat. 9*^ N. is only 60 miles over. 
This idhmus forms, with the northern and 
fouthern continents, a vaft gulph, in which lie a 
great number of iflands, called the Weji-Indies^ 
in contradiftincftion to the eaftern parts of Afia, 
which are called the Eajl-hidies. 

** Next to the extent of the New-World, the 
grandeur of the cbjefls which it prcfents to view, 
is moft apt to ftrike the eye of an obferver. Na- 
ture feems here to have carried on her opera- 
tions upon a larger fcald'and with a bolder hand, 
and to have diftinguidied the features of this 
country by a peculiar mngnificencc. The moun- 
tains of America are much fuperior in height to 
thofe in the other divifions of the globe. Even 
the plain of Qo^ito, which may be confidered as 
the bafe of the Andes, is elevated farther above 
the fea than the top of the Pyrenees." The moft 
elevated point of the Andes, according to Don 

Ulloa, 



OF AMERICA. 11 

Ulloa, is twenty ihoufand, two hundred, and 
eighty feet, which is, at leaft, feven thouHmd, 
one hundred, and two feet above the Peak of 
Teneriffe, which is the higheft known mountain 
in the ancient continent. 

From the lofty and extenfive mountains ot 
America defcend rivers with which the ft reams 
of Europe, of Afia, or of Africa, are not to be 
compared, either for length of courfc, or for the 
vaft volumes of water which they pour into the 
oceans. The Danube, the Indus, the Ganges, 
or the Nile, in the Ancient Hemifphere, are not 
of equal magnitude with the St. Laurence, the 
MifToDri, or the MKIiffippi, in North-America; 
or with the Maragnon, the Oronoko, or the 
Plata, in South-America. The rivers i:i the 
latter of thefe American contir.ents are like vali 
arms of the fea. 

*« The lakes of the New-V/orld are no lefs 
eonfpicuous For grandeur than its mountains and 
rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the 
globe which refcmbles the prodigious chain or 
iakes in North-America. They may be properly 
termed inland Teas of frclh water ; and even 
thofe of the fecond or third clals of magnitude, 
are of larger circuit (the Cafpian fe:v excepted) 
than the greatefl lake of the ancient continent." 

I'he luxuriance of the vegetable creation in the 
New-World is extremely great. In the fouthera 
provinces, where the moillure of the climate is 
aided by the warmth of the inn, the woods are 
almoft impervious, and the furface of the ground 
is hid from the eye, under a thick covering of 
fhrubs, of herbs, and weeds. In the northerfi 
provinces, although tlie forefts are not encum- 



12 GENERAL HISTORY 

bered with the fame wild luxuriance of vegeta- 
tion, the trees of various fpecies are generally 
more lofty, and often much larger, than in any 
other parts of the world. 

One of the raoft remarkable circumftances, or 
features, of the New- World, is the general pre- 
dominance of coid, throughout the whole extent 
of this great continent. Though we cannot, in 
any conntry» determine the precife degree of 
heat merely by the dilfance of the equator, be- 
caufe the elevation above the fea, the nature of 
the Ibii, &c. all afFedl the climaie; yet, in the 
Ancient Continent, the heat is much more in 
propuriion to the vicinity of the equator than in 
any part of America. Here the rigour of the fri- 
gid z.)ne extends over half that which (liould be 
temperate by its pofition. Even in thofe latitudes 
where the winter is fcarcely felt in the Old-Con- 
tinent, it reigns with great feverity in America, 
though during a fhort period. Nor does this cold, 
prevaient in the New- World, confine itfelf to the 
temperate zones ; but extends its influence to the 
torrid zone al fo, confiderably mitigating the ex- 
ccfs of its heat. — Along the eaftern coaft, the cli- 
mate, thcngh more fjmilar to that of the torrid 
zone in other parts of the earth, is ncverthelefs 
ccnJlderably milder than in thole countries of Alia 
..iid Africa which lie in the lame latitude. From 
the fjuihern tropic to the extremity of the Ame- 
jican continent, the cold is laid to be much 
grea.er than in parallel northern latitudes even 
of America itfelf. 

For ih;s fo remarkable difference between the 
climate of the New-Continent and the Old, 
various caufes have been afligned by different 

authors* 



OF AMERICA. i;5 

authors. The following is the opinion of the 
celebrated Dr. Robeitfon on this fubjef}. 
"Though theuttnoll extent oF America towards 
the north be not yet difcovered, we know that 
it advances nearer to the pole than either Europe 
or Afia. The latter have large feas to the north, 
which are open during part of the year, and even 
when covered wirh ice, the wind that blows over 
them Is lefs intenfely cold than that ;vhich blows 
over land in the fame latitudes. Eur, in America, 
the land Itretches from the river St. Laurence 
towards the pole, and fpreads out immenfely to 
the wed. A chain of enormous mountain^v 
covered with fnow and ice, runs through all this 
dreary region. The wind paffing over fuch an 
extent of high and frozen land, becomes io im- 
pregnated witli cold, that it acquires a piercing 
keenixefs, which it retains in its progrefs through 
warmer climates ; and is not entirely mitigated 
until it reach the guiph of Mexico. Over all the 
continent of North- America, a north weHerly 
wind and exceffive cold, are fynonimous terms. 
Even in the moft fultry weather, the moment 
that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetra- 
ting influence is felt in a tranfition from heat to 
Gold no lefs violent than fudden.. To this power- 
ful caufe we may afcribe the extraordinary do- 
minion of cold, and its violent inroads into the 
fouthern provinces in that part of the globe. 

" Other caufes, no lefs remarkable, diminiHi 
the active power of heat in thofe parts of the 
American continent which lie between the tro- 
pics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind 
blows in an invariable direff ion from eaft to weft. 
As this wind holds its courfe acrofs the ancient 
B 2. continent. 



14> GENERAL HISTORY 

continent, it arrives at the countries which flretch 
along the weftern fhore of Africa, inflamed with 
ail the fiery particles which it hath colleded from 
the fultry plains of Afia, and the burning fands 
in the African deferts. The coafl of Africa is, 
accordingly, the region of the earth which feels 
the moft fervent heat, and is expofed to the un- 
mitigated ardour of the torrid zone. But this 
fame wind, which brings fuch an acceflion of 
warmth to the countries lying between the river 
of Senegal and Cafraria, traverfes the Atlantic 
Ocean, before it reaches the American fhore. It 
is cooled in its pafTage over this vafl body of 
water ; and is felt as a refrefhing gale along the 
coafls of Brafil and Guiana, rendering theie 
countries, though among the warmeft in Ameri- 
ca, temperate, when compared with thofe which 
lie oppofite to them in Africa. As this wind ad- 
vances in its courfe acrofs America, it meets with 
Immenfe plains, covered with impenetrable fo- 
refts j or occupied by large rivers, marfties, and 
stagnating waters, where it can recover no con- 
fiderable degree of heat. At length it arrives at 
the Andes, which run from north to fouth 
through the whole continent. In paffing over 
their elevated and frozen ftimmits, it is fo tho- 
roughly cooled, that the greater part of the coun- 
tries beyond them hardly feel the ardour to which 
they feem expofed by their fituation. In the 
other provinces of America, from Terra-Firma 
weilward to the Mexican empire, the heat of the 
climate is tempered, in fome places, by the eleva- 
tion of the land above the fea ; in others, by their 
extraordinary humidity ; and in all, by the enor- 
mous mountains fcattered over this tra^. The 

iHands 



OF AMERICA. 15 

iflands of America in the Torrid Zone are either 
fmall or mountainous, and are fanned alternately 
by refrefhing fea and land bieezes. 

** The caufes of the extraordinary cold towards 
the fouthern limits of America, and in the leas 
beyond it, cannot be afcertained in a manner 
equally fatisfying. It was long fuppofed, that 
a vaft continent, diftinguilhed by the name of 
Terra Au^/rralis Incognita^ lay between the 
fouthern extremity of America and the Antarftic 
pole. The fame principles which account for 
the extraordinary degree of cold in the northern 
regions of America, were employed in order to 
explain that which is felt at Cape-Horn and the 
adjacent countries. The immenfe extent of the 
fouthern continent, and the large rivers, which it 
poured into the ocean, were mentioned and ad- 
mitted by philofophers as caufes fufficient to 
occafion the unufual fenfation of cold, and the 
(till more uncommon appearances of frozen feas 
in that region of the globe. But the imaginary 
continent to which fuch influences was afcribed 
having been fearched for in vain, and the fpace 
which it was fuppofed to occupy having been 
found to be an open feaj new conje(flures muft 
be formed with refpecSt to the caufes of a tempe- 
rature of climate, fo extremely different from 
that which we experience in countries removed 
at the fame diftance from the oppofite pole. 

" The mod obvious and probable caufe of the 
fuperior degree of cold towards thd fouthern ex- 
tremity of America, feems to be the form of the 
continent there. Its breadth gradually decreafes 
as it flretches from St. Antonia fouthwards, and 
from the bay of St. Julian to the ftraits of Magel- 
lan 



16 GENERAL HISTORY 

Jan its dimenfions are much contra6led. On the 
eaft and well fides, it is wafhed by the Atlantic 
and Pacific Oceans. From its fouthern point, it 
is probabl-e that a great extent of fea without any 
confiderable traft of land, reaches to the Antarc- 
tic pole. In which evei of theie dire<!:l:ions the 
wind blows, it is cooled before it approaches the 
Magellanic regions, by palling over a vaft body 
of water •, nor is the land there of fuch extent, 
that it can recover any confiderable degree of 
heat in its progrefs over it. Thefe circumftances 
concur in rendering the temperature of the air in 
this diifri<5t of America, more fimllar to that of 
an Infular, than to that of a continental climate j 
and hinder it from acquiring the fame degree of 
fummer-heat, with places in Europe and Afia, 
in a correfponding northern latitude. The norrh 
wind is the only one that reaches this part of 
America, after blowing over a great continent. 
But, from an attentive furvey of its pofition, this 
will be found to have a tendency rather to di- 
minifh than augment the degree of heat. The 
fouthern extremity of America is properly the 
termination of the immenfe ridge of the Andes, 
which ftretches nearly in a diretfl line from north 
to fouth, through the whole extent of the con- 
tinent. The mofl fuitry regions in South Ame- 
rica, Guiana, Brafil, Paraguay, and Tucuman^ 
lie many degrees to the eaft of the Magellanic 
regions. The level country of Peru, which 
enjoys the tropical heats, is fituated confiderably 
to the weft of them. The north wind, then, 
though it blows over land, does not bring to the 
fouthern extremity of America an increafe of 
beat colledted in its paflage over torrid regions ;. 

but 



OF AMERICA. 17 

but before it arrives there, it muft have fwept 
along the fummits of the Andes, and comes im- 
pregnated with the cold of that frozen region." 

Another peculiarity in the climate of America 
is its exceffive moillure in general. In fume 
places, indeed, on the weftern coafl:, rain is not 
known ; but, in all other parts, the moidnefs 
of the climate is as remarkable as the cold. — The 
forefis wherewith it is every where covered, rio 
doubt, partly, occafion the moiflnre of its cli- 
mate; but the mofl prevalent and obvious caufe 
is the vaft quantity of water in the Atlantic and 
Pacific Oceans with which America is environed 
on all fides. Hence, thofe places where the 
continent is narrowed are deluged with almoft 
perpetual rains, accompanied with violent thun- 
der and lightning, by which iome of them, par- 
ticularly Porto-Bello, are rendered in a manner 
uninhabitable. 

From the coldnefs and the moidure of Ameri- 
ca, an extreme malignity of climate has been in- 
ferred, and afierted by M. de Pauw, in his Re- 
cherches Philofophiques fur les Americalns. Hence, 
according to the hypothefis of this author, the 
fmallnefs and irregularity of the nobler animals, 
and the fize and enormous multiplication of 
reptiles and infecfls. 

But the fuppofed fmallnefs and lefs ferocity af 
the American animals, tlie Abbe Clavigero ob- 
feives, inftead of the malignity, demondr^tes 
the mildnefs and bounty of the climate, if we 
give credit to Buffon, at whofe fountain M. de 
Pauw has drank, and of whofe teftimony he has 
availed himfelf again d Don Fernetty. BufFon 
who, in many places of his. Natural Hiftory prc^ 

duces 



18 GENERAL HISTORY 

duces the fmallnefs of the American animals as a 
certain argument of the malignity of the climate 
of America ; in treating afterwards of favage ani- 
mals, in Tom. II. fpeaks thus : " As all things, e- 
ven the mofl free creatures, are fubjedl to natural 
laws, and animals as well as men are fubje(n:ed to 
the influence of climate and foil, it appears that 
the famecaufes which have civilized and poliftied 
the human fpecies in our climates, may have 
likewife, produced fi milar efFedls upon other 
fpecies. The wolf, which is, perhaps, the fierc- 
eft of all the quadrupeds of the temperate zone, 
is, however, incomparably lefs terrible than the 
fygc^j the lion, and the panther of the torrid 
zone ; and the white bear and hyena of the frigid 
zone. In America, where the air and the earth 
are more mild than thofe of Africa, the tyger, 
the lion, and the panther, a;re not terrible but in 
the name. They have degenerated, if fiercenefs, 
joined to cruelty, made their nature ; or, to (peak 
more properly, they have only fuffered the in- 
fluence of the climate: under a milder iky their 
nature alfo has become more mild. From climes 
which are immoderate in their temperature are 
obtained drugs, perfumes, poifons, and all thofe 
plants whofe qualities arc ftrong. The tempe- 
rate earth, on the contrary, produces only things 
which are temperate ; the mildefl: herbs, the moll 
wholefome pulfe, the fweeted fruits, the men: 
quiet animals, and the mod humane men, are the 
natives of this happy clime. As the earth makes 
the*plants, the earth and plants make animals; 
the earth, the plants, and the animals make man. 
The phyfical qualities of man, and the animals 
which feed on other animals, depend, though 

more 



OF AMERICA. 19 

more remotely, on the fame caufes which in- 
fluence their dii'pofitions and cufloras. This is 
the greatefl: proof and demonftration, that in tem- 
perate cUmes every thing becomes temperate, 
and that in intemperate climes every thing is ex- 
ceflive} and that (ize and form, which appear 
fixed and determinate qualities, depend notwith- 
flanding, like the relative qualities on the in- 
fluence of climate. The fize of our quadrupeds 
cannot be compared with that of the elephant, 
the rhinoceros, or fea-horfe. The largeft of our 
birds are but fmail if compared with the uftrich, 
the condore, and cafoare" So far M. BufFon, 
whofe text we have copied, becaufe it is con- 
trary to what M. de Pauw writes ngainft the 
climate of America, and to BufFon himfelf, in 
many other places. 

** If the large and fierce animals, fays Clavige- 
ro, are natives of intemperate climes, and fmall 
and tranquil animals of temj:^erate climes, as M. 
BufFon has here eftablifhed; if mildnefs of climate 
influences the difpufition and cuftoms of animals, 
M. dePauvv does not well deduce the malignity 
of the climate of America from the fmaller fize 
and lefs fiercenefs of its animals j he ought rather 
to have deduced the gentlenefs and fweetnefs of 
its climate from this antecedent. If, on the con- 
trary, the fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs of the 
American animals, with refpe<fl: to thofe of the 
old continent, are a proof of their degeneracy, 
arifing from the malignity of the clime, as M. dc 
Pauw would have it, we ought in like manner to 
argue the malignity of the climate of Europe from 
the fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs of its animals, 
compared, with thofe of Africa. If a philofo- 

pher 



20 GENERAL HISTORY 

pher of the country of Guinea (hould undertake 
a work iu imitat'ior. of M. de Fainv, with this 
title, Richerches h'hUofophiques fur les httropeens^ 
he might nvail himself o.*" the fame argument 
which M. de Pauw ules, <o (iemonftrate the ma- 
lignity of the climate ot Europe, aad the advan- 
tages of that of Africa, the climate of Europe, 
he would fay, is very unr;ivourab!e to -he pio- 
duflion of quadruped?, which are tound incom- 
parably imatler, and more cowardiy than ours. 
What are the horfe and the ox, the largeft of its 
animaicj, compared with our elephants, our rhi- 
nocerofes, oui iea-horf.^s, and our camels? What 
are its lizards, either in fize or intrepidity, com- 
pared with our crocodiles ? Its wolves, its bears, 
the moft dreadful of its wild hearts, when befide 
our lions and tygers. Its tagles, its vultures, 
and cranes, if compared with our olUiches, ap- 
pear only like hens/* 

As to the enormous fize and prodigious mul- 
tiplication of the infedfs and other little noxious 
animals. " The furface of the earth jays M. de 
Pauw), infeffed by putrefadfion, was over- run 
with lizards, ferpents, reptiles, ijnd infcfls mon- 
ftrous for fize, and the a<flivity of their poifon, 
which they drew from the copious juices of this 
uncultivated foil, that was corrupted and aban- 
doned to itfelf, where the nutritive juice became 
(harp, like the milk it^the breait ot animals which 
do not exercife ti.e virtue of propagation, Cater- 
pillars, cr.ibs, butterflies, bet ties, fpiders, frogs, 
and toad.' , were, for the muff }'ari of an enormous 
corpulence in their Ipecies, and muitipiied be- 
yond what can be imagined. Panama is infefted 
with ferpents, Carthagena with clouds of enor- 
mous 



OF AMERICA. 21 

mousbats, Porio-Bello with toads, Surinam with 
kakerlacas, or cucarachas, GiKidaioupe, and the 
other colonies of the iHands, with beetles, Q^ito 
with niguas, or chegoes, and Lima with li:e and 
bugs. The ancient kings of >Iexico, and the 
emperors of Peru, found no other means of 
ridding their fnbjecis of thofe infects which fed 
upon them, than the impofition of an rainual tri- 
bute of a certain quantity of lice. Ferdinand 
Cortes found bags full of them in the palace of 
Montezuma.'' But this argument, exaggerated 
as it is, proves nothing againft the climate of 
America, in general, much lefs againft that of 
Mexico. There being fome lands in America, 
in which, on account of their heat, their humidity 
or want of inhabitants, large inlefts are found, 
and excefUvely multiplied, will prove at moft, 
that in Ibme places the farface of the earth is 
infe<n:ed, as he fays, with putrefaclion ; but not 
that the foil of Mexico, or that of all America, 
is {linking, uncultivated, vitiated, and aban- 
doned to itfelf. If fuch a dedui5lion were jufl, 
M. de Pauw might alfo fay, that the foil of the 
Old-Continent is barren, and fetid ; as in many 
countries of it there are prodigious multitudes t T 
monffrous infecls, noxious repnie:, and vile ani- 
mals, as in the Philippine-Kles, in many of thofe 
of the Indian- Archipelago, in feveral countries of 
the ibuth of Afia, in many of Africa, and even in 
fome of Europe. The Philippine-Ifles are in- 
feftcd with enormous ants, and monftrous butter- 
flies ; Japan with fcorpions ^ fouth of Afia and 
Africa with ferpents ; Egypt with afps ; Guinea 
and Ethiopia with armies of ants ; Holland with 
field-rats ; Ukrania with toads, as M. de Pauw 
C himfelf 



t^2 GENERAL HISTORY 

himfelf affirms. In Italy, the Campagna di 
Roma (although peopled for fo many ygcs), is 
infeftcd with vipers ; Calabria with tarantulas ; 
the ihores of the Adriatic fea with clouds of 
gnats ; and even in France, the population of 
which is fo great, and fo ancient, whofe lands 
are fo well cultivated, and whofe climate is fo 
celebrated by the French, there appeared>,a few 
years ago, according to M. BufFon, a new fpecies 
of field-mice, larger than the common kind, 
called by him SunnulotSy which have multiplied 
exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields. 
M. Bazin, in his Compendium of the Hiftory of 
infers, numbers 77 fpecies of bugs, which are 
all found in Paris, and in its neighbourhood. 
That large capital, as Mr. Bomare fays, fwarms 
with thole difgulfful infeffs. It is true that there 
iire places in America, where the multitude of 
Infefls, and filthy vermin, make life irkfome j 
but we do not know that they have arrived to 
iuch excels of multiplication as to depopulate any 
place, at leaft there cannot be fo many examples 
produced of this caufe of depopui;ition in the New 
as in the Old continent, which are attelkd by 
Theophrartus, Varro, Pliny, and other authors. 
The frogs depopulated one place in Gaul, and 
the loculfs another in Africa. One of the Cy- 
cladcs was depopulated by mice j Amiclas, near 
to Taracina, by ferpents; another place near to 
Ethiopia, by fcorpions and poifonous ants •, and 
another by fcolopendras ; and, not fo diftant 
from our own times, the Mauritius was going to 
have been abandoned, on account of the extra- 
ordinary multiplication of rats, as we can re- 
member to have read in a French author. 

With 



OF AMERICA. 23 

With refpe^l to the fize of the infe(n:s, reptiles, 
and fuch animals, M. de Pauw makes ufe of the 
tefiimony of M. Damont, who, in his Memoirs on 
Louiftanay fays, that the frogs arc fo hirge there 
that they weigh 37 French pounds, and that their 
horrid croaking imitates the beilowing of cows. 
Bnt, IM. de Pauw himfeif fays (in his Uifwer to 
Don Perneny, cap. 17), that ail thofe Wiio have 
written nb-.u!: Louidana, from Henepin, Lc 
Clerc, and Tonti, to Dumonr, hr.ve contradict- 
ed each other, fometimes on one, and fomeiimes 
on another, fubjefl. In fac^f, neither in the old 
or the new continent are there frogs of 37 pounds 
in weight; but there are in Afia, an-.! in Africa, 
ferpents, burrerJiie?, ants, and other nninials of 
fuch monilrons' fizc, thu ihcy exceed all thofe 
which have been difcovercd in tlie Njw- World. 
We know very weli, that an American hitlorian 
fays, that a certain gigannc fpecics of ferpents is 
to be found in the woodF, which attrail: men 
with their breath, and iwalluw them up; but 
we know alio, that fcvcral hiilorians, both 
ancient and modern, report the fame extravagant 
and incredible thing oi the ferpents of Alia, and 
even Ibmething more. Megadhenes, cited by 
Pliny, faid, that there were ii^rpents found in 
Afia, lb large, that they Iwallowed entire flags 
and bulls. Metrodoru^, cited by the fame 
author, affirms, that in Afia there were ferpents 
which, by their breiuh, attra6ted birds, however 
high they were, or quick their flight. Among 
the moderns, Gemelli, in Vol. V. of his Giro del 
Mtimloy when he treats of the animals of the 
Philippine-Iiles, fpeaks thus : ** There are fer- 
pctiis in theie iilands of immoderate fizc : there 



1^4^ GENERAL HISTORY. 

is one called Ibii'm, very long, which fufpending 
itfelf by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits 
till rtags, bears, and aHb men pais by, in order 
to attra6^ them with its breath, and devour them 
at once entirely :" from whence it is evident, that 
this very ancient fable has been common to both 
continents. 

Further, it may be adced, In what country of 
America conld M. de Pauw find ants to equal 
thofe of the Philippine-lflands, called ^ulum^ re- 
fpeding which Hernandez affirms, that they are 
fix. fingers broad in length, and one in breadth } 
Who has ever feen in America butterflies fo large 
as thcfe of Bourbon, Ternate, the Fhilippine- 
ifles, and all the Indian- Archipelago ? The largsfc 
bat of America (native to hot fliady countries), 
which is that called by Buff on Vampiro^ is, ac- 
cording to him, of the fize of a pigeon. La 
Rougeite^ one of the Ipecies of Afia, is as large 
as a raven ; and the Roufttte^ another fpecies of 
Afia, is as big as a large hen. Its wings, when 
extended, m'eaiure from tip to tip three Parifian 
teet, and, hccording to Gemelli, who meafured 
it in the Phiiippine-iiles, fix palms. M. BufFon 
acknowledges the excels in lize of the Afiatic bat 
over the American fpecies, but denies it as to 
number. Gemelli fays, that thofe of the ifland 
of Luzon were fo numerous that they darkened 
the air, and that the uoife which they made with 
their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was 
heard at the diftance of two miles. M. de Pauw 
fays, in talking of ferpents, " it cannot be af- 
•firmed that the new world has fhown any fer- 
pents larger than thofe which Mr. Adanfon fiiw in 
the deferis of Africa." The greateft ferpent 

found 



OF AMERICA. ^5 

found in Mexico, after a diligent fearch made 
by Hernandez, was 18 feet long: but this is 
rtot to be compared with that oF the Moluccas, 
which Bomare fays is 33 feet in length ; nor wkh 
the Atmcatidajai of Ceylon, which the fame 
author fiys is more than S3 feet long; nor with 
others of Afia and Africa, mentioned by the fame 
author. Laftly, the argument drawn from the 
multitade and fize of the American infedls is 
fully as weighty as the argument drawn from the 
fmallnefs and fcarcity of quadrupeds, and both 
dete<5l the fame ignorance, or rather the fame vo- 
luntary and ftudied forgetfulnefs, of the things 
of the Old continent. 

"With refpedl to what M. de Pauw has faid of 
the tribute of lice, in Mexico, in that, as well 
as in many other things, he difcovers his ridicu- 
lous credulity. It is true that Cortes found bags 
of lice in the magazines of the palace of king 
Axnjacatl. It is alfo true, that Montezuma im- 
pofed fuch a tribute, not on all his fubjedls, 
however, but only on thofe who were beggars ; 
not on account of t«l:ie extraordinary multitude of 
thole infefts, as M. de Pauw affirms, but becaufe 
Montezuma, who could not fuffer idlenefs in his 
fubje(St8, refolved that that miferable fet of 
people, who could not labour, fhould at leaft 
be occupied in loufing themfelves. This was the 
true reaibn of fuch an extraordinary tribute, as 
Torquemada, Betancourt, and other early hifto- 
rians relate; and nobody ever before thought of 
that which M. de Pauw affirms, merely becaule 
it fuited his prepofterous fyflem. Thofe dilguft- 
ing infe«fi:s poffibly abound as much in the hair 
and clothes of American beggars, as of any poor 
C 2 and 



26 GENERAL HiS TORY 

and unctcanly low people In the wortd : but there 
is not a doubt, that if any ibvereign of Europe 
was toexad fuch a tribute from the poor in his 
dd^ninion?, not only bags, but great vtifels might 
he filled with them. 



CHAP. II. 

Getter al Defcr'iption of the Natives— —their pecultnri" 
ties of Ornament and Drefs-^— remarkable Infcn- 
ftbiiity to Paiuy and to the Inclemendes of U^ea- 
ther — terrible Trials undergone by their Chief. 

It is now tin^iC to turn, our attention to 
the Abcrigines^ or natives, of the New- World. . 
At the time when this gicat continent was made 
moie generally known to the Europeans by the 
difcoverics of Chiiftopher Columbus, and of the 
i!luftiious navigators who Imbibed the fpirit and 
cnthufiafm of that great man, it was found inha- 
bited by various tribes and nations of men, who 
differed, in mony rcfpe(fts, from mod of the 
people in the three other quarters of the world. 
In their phyfical hiilory, however, the greateft 
peculiarity in the Americans is their complexion, 
and the little difference which is obferved, in 
this refpeff, throughout the whole extent of the 
American continent. In Europe, and in Afia, 
the people who inhabit the northern countries 
are of a fairer complexion than thofe who dwell 
more to the fouthward. In the torrid zone, 
both in Africa and in Alia, the natives are en- 
tirely 



OF AMERICA. 27 

tirely black, or the next thing to it. This, 
however, muft be under [tood with fome limita- 
tion. The people of Lapland, who inhabit the 
mofl: northerly part of Europe, are by no means 
ib fair as the inhabitants of Britain ; nor are the 
Tartars To fair as the inhabitants of Europe, who 
lie under the fame parallels of latitude. Ncver- 
thelefs, a Laplander is fair, when compared with 
an Abyflinian, and a Tartar if compared with a 
native of the Molucca iflands — In America, this 
diftin<5lion of colour was not fo dilVin(flly, and fo- 
prominently, marked. In the torrid zone there 
were no negroes, and in the temperate and frigid- 
zones ihc^rt were no white people. Moft of them 
were of a kind of red copper-colour, which Mr. 
Forffer obferved, in the Pe/Terais, of Tierra del 
Fucgo, to have fomething of a glofs refemblhig 
that metal. It does not appear, however, that 
this matter has, hitherto, been inquired into with 
fofficient accuracy. The inhabitants of the inland 
parts of South-America, where that continent is 
wideft, and, confequently, the influence of the 
fun moft powerful, have never been accurately 
compared with thofe of Canada, or more nor- 
therly parts, at leaft as far we knew. Yet 
this ought to have been done, and that in many 
inftances too before it could be afTerted To pofi- 
tivejy, as moft authors do, that there is not the 
leaft difference of complexion among the natives of 
America, Indeed, fo many fyftems have been 
formed concerning thefe fingular people, that it 
is very difficult to obtain a true knowledge of the 
moft fimple fafts, even from the beft and moft 
unprejudiced writers. — If we may believe the 
Abbe Raynal, the Californians are fwarrhier 

than 



28 GENERAL HISTORY 

than the Mexicans ; and fb pofitive is he in this 
opinion, that he gives a reafon for it. ** This 
difference of colour," fays he, ** proves, that 
the civilized life of fociety fubverts, or totally 
changes, the order and laws of nature, fince we 
find, under the temperate zone, a favage people 
that are blacker than the civilized nations of the 
torrid zone. — On the other hand. Dr. Robertfon 
clalTes all the inhabitants of Spaniih America 
together with regard to colour, whether they 
are civilized or uncivilized ; and when he fpeaks 
of California, takes no notice of any peculiiiriiy to 
their colour more than others. — The general 
appearance of the indigenous Americans in 
various diflri6ls, is thus delcribed by the cheva- 
lier Pinto: " They are all of a copper colour, 
with fome diverfity of fhade, not in proportion 
to their diftance from the Equator, but according 
to the degree of elevation of the territory 
in which they lefide. Thofe who live in a high 
country are fairer than thole in the marfliy low 
lands on the coaft. Their face is round ; farther 
removed, perhaps, than that of any people from 
an oval fhape. Their fore-head is fmall j the 
extremity of their eari^far from the face ; their 
lips thick ; their nofe flat 4 their eyes black, or 
of a chefnut colour, fmall but capable of difcern- 
ing objeds at a great diftance. Their hair is 
always thick and fleek, and without any tenden- 
cy of curl. At the fir A afpe(5f, a South- American 
appears to be mild and innocent j but, on a more 
attentive view, one difcovers in his countenance 
fomething wild, diftruftful, and fuUen." 

The following account of the native Americans 
is given by Don Antonio Ulloa, in his late work 

entitled 



OF AMERICA. 20 

entitled Memoir es philofophiques, hiflonqueSi et phy^ 
ftqueSy concernant la deccuverte de ('Amertqtte, 

The American Indians are naturally of a colour 
bordering upon red. Their frequent expofure 
to the fun and wind changes it to their ordinary 
dufky hue. The temperature of the air appears 
to have little or no influence in this refpcifl. 
There is no perceptible difference in complexion 
between the inhabitants of the high and thofe of 
the low p^rts of Peru ; yet the climates are of an 
extreme difference. Nay, the Indians who live 
as far as 40 degrees and upwards fouth or north 
of the equator, are not to be dilfinguifhed, Itt 
point of colour, from thofe immediately under 
if. 

There is, alfo a general conformation of fea- 
tures and peifon, which, more or lefs, charac- 
terizeth them all. Their chief diftindlions, in 
thefe refped^s, are a fmall forehead, partly co- 
vered with hair to the eye-brows, little eyes, the 
nofe thin, pointed, and bent towards the upper 
lip ; a broad face, large ears, black, thick, and 
lank hair ; the legs well formed, the feet fmgll, 
the body thick and mufcular j little or no beard 
on the face, and that little never extending 
beyond a fmall part of the chin and upper lip. 
It may eafily be fuppofed that this general defcrip- 
tion cannot apply, in all its parts, to every indi- 
vidual \ but all of them partake fo much of it, 
that they may be eafily diflinguifhed even from 
the mulattoes, who come neareft to them in 
point of colour. 

The refemblance among all the American 
tribes is nolefs remarkable in refpedf to their ge- 
nius, character, manneis, and particular cuftoms. 

The 



30 GENERAL HISTORY. 

The moH diftant tribes are, in thefe refpe(^s, as 
fimilar as though they formed but one nation. 

Ai! the Indian nations have a peculiar pleafure 
in painting their bodies of a red colour, with a 
certain fpecies of earth. The mine of Guanca- 
velica was formerly of no other ufe than to lupply 
them with this mateiial for dying their bodies: 
and the cinnabar extradled from it was applied 
entirely to thrs purpofe. The tribes in Louifiana 
and in Canada have the fame pafTion ; hence 
minium is tne commodity moft In demand there. 

It may, perhaps, feem fingular, that thefe na- 
tions, whofe natural colour is red, fhould affeil: 
the fame colour as an artificial ornament. Bur, 
it may be obferved, they do nothing in this refpe(fl 
but what correfponds to the practice of Euro- 
peans, who alfo ftudy to heighten and difplay to 
advantage the natural red and white of their com- 
plexions. The Indians of Peru have now, in- 
deed, abandoned the cuftom of painting their 
bodies : but it was common am^ong them before 
they were conquered by the Spaniards; and it 
flill remains the cuflom of ail thole tribes who 
have prefervcd their liberty. fhe northern 
nations of America, befides the red colour which 
is predominant, employ alfo black, white, blue, 
and green, in painting their bodies. 

The adjuftment of thefe colours is a matter of 
as great confideration with the Indians of Loui- 
fiana and the vaft regions extendir;^ to the north 
as the ornaments of drels among the moi\ polifli- 
ed nations. The bufinefs itfelf they call A'laftabtTy 
und they do not fail to apply all their talents and 
afliduity to accomplifh it in the moil finiQied 
manner. No lady of the greateil fafliicn ever 

confultcd 



OF AMERICA. 31 

confulted her mirror with more anxiety, than the 
Indinrib do while painting their bodies. The co- 
lours arc applied with the utmoft accuracy and 
adJrei's. Upon the eye-lids, precifely at the 
rovjt of the eye-!a(hes, they draw two lines, as 
fine as the fmallell: thread ; the fame upon the 
lips, the openings of the noilrils, the eye-brows, 
and the ears ; of which lall they even follow all 
the inflexions and finuofities. As to the reft of 
the face, they diflrihute various figures, in all 
which the red predominates, and the other co- 
lours are afTorted fo as to throw it out to the beft 
advantage. The neck aifo receives its proper 
ornaments ; a thick coat of vermiilion commonly 
diftinguiflies the cheeks. Five or fix hours are 
requifite for accomplifhing all this with the nicety 
which they affect. As their firft attempts do 
not always fucceed to their willi, they efface 
them, and begin a-new up n abetter plan. No 
coquette is more faflidious in her choice of orna- 
meni, none more Vain when the important ad- 
juftment is finiHied. Their delight and <elf-fat.is- 
fa<5lion are then ih great, that the mirror is hard- 
ly ever laid down. An Indian, Maciached to 
his mind, is the vainefl of ail the human Ipecies. 
The other parts of the body are Itfc in their 
natural Ifate, and, exceptmg what is called a 
cacheculy they go entirely naked. 

Such of them as have made themfelves eminent 
for bravery, or ether qualifications, are diftin- 
guiftied by figures painted on their bodies. They 
introduce the colours by making punflures on 
their (kin, and the extent of furfacc which this 
ornament covers is proportioned ro the exploits 
they have performed. Some paint only thek 

arms. 



32 GENERAL HISTORY 

arms, others both their arms and legs ; others, 
again, their thighs, while thofe who have attain- 
ed the fummit of warlike renown hnve their 
bodies painied from the waift upwards. This is 
the heraldry of the Indians ; the devices oi' which 
are, probably, more exa<flly adjufted to the 
merits of the perfons who bear them, than thofe 
of more civilized countries. 

Befides thefe ornaments, the warriors alfo 
carry plumes of feathers on their heads, their 
arms, and ancles. Theie, likewife, are tokens 
of valour, and none but fuch as have been thus 
diflinguilhed may wear them. 

The propenGty to indolence is equal among all 
the tribes cf Indians, civilized, or favage. The 
only employment of thofe who have preferved 
their independence is hunting and h(hing. In 
fome dlftri(fls, the women exercife a little agri- 
cul.ure, in raifing Indian corn, and pompions, 
of which they form a fpecies of aliment, by 
bruifing them together : they, alfo, prepare the 
ordinary beverage in ufe among them, taking 
care, at the fame time, of the children, of whom 
the fathers take no charge. 

The female Indians of all the conquered regions 
of South America pra6fife what is called the urcu 
(a word which among them fignifies elevatiou). 
It confifts in throwing forwaid the hair from 
the crown of the head, upon the brow, and 
cutting it round from the ears to above the eye ; 
{o that the forehead and eye-brows are entirely 
covered. The fame cuilom takes place in the 
Northern countries. The female inhabitants of 
both regions tie the relf of their hair behind, fo 
exadfly in the fame fafhion, that it might be 

fuppofed 



OF AMERICA. 38 

fuppofed the effeifl of mutual imitation. This, 
however, being impofTible, from the vaft dil- 
tance that feparates them, is thought to counte- 
nance the fuppofjtion of the whole of America 
being originally planted with one race of people. 

This cuftom does not take place among the 
males. Thofe of the higher parts of Peru wear 
long and flowing hair, which they reckon a great 
ornament. In the lower parts of the fame coun- 
try they cut it (hort, on account of the heat of 
the climate ; a circumftance in which they imitate 
the Spaniards. The inhabitants of L.)uifiana 
pluck out their hair by the root, from the crown 
of the head forwards, in ordtr to obtain a large 
forehead, otherwife denied them by nature. 
The reft of their hair they cut as (hort as pof- 
fible, to prevent their enemies from feizing them 
by it in battle, and alio to prevent them from 
eafily getting their fcalp, (hould they fall into 
their hands as prifoners. 

According to Don Ulloa, the whole race of 
the American Indians is diftinguifhed by an un- 
common thicknefs of fkin, and by a hardnels 
of their fibres ; circumftances which, in the 
opinion of this learned Spani(h writer, con- 
tribute to that infenfibility to bodily pain, for 
which thefe finguiar people are fo remarkable. 
Our author adduces an inftance, in fupport of 
this infenfibility, in the Americans, in the cafe 
of an Indian, who was under the neceffity of 
fubmittmg to be cut for the (tone. This opera- 
tion, it is well known, feldom lafls above four, 
or five minutes. Unfavourable circumifances, 
in this cafe prolonged it to the uncommon period 
of 27 minutes. Yet, all this time, the patient 
D gave 



34 GENERAL HISTORY 

g4ve no tokens of the extreme pain, commonly 
attending this operation : he complained only as 
a perlon does who feels fome flrght uoealinefs. 
At lart, the ftone was extra<51ed. Two days 
after, he expreffed a defire for food, and on the 
eighth day from the operation he quitted his bed, 
free from pain, although the wound was no: yet 
thoroughly clofed. The fame want of fenfibiJity, 
he lays, is obferved in cafe of fractures, wounds, 
and other accidents, of a fimilar nature. In all 
thefe cafes, their cure is eafily efFcfted, and they 
feem to fuffer lefs prefent pain than any other 
race of men. The fkulis which have been taken 
up in their ancient burying^grounds, are of a 
greater thicknefs than that com pages of bones is 
commonly found to be ; being from fix to feven 
lines from the outer to the inner fuperficies. 

It is natural to infer from hence, fays Ulloa, 
that their comparative inlenfibility to pain is 
owing to a coarfer and (Ironger organization, 
than that of other nations. The eale with which 
they endure the fcverities of climate is, he thinks 
another proof of this. The mh^bitants of the 
higher parts of Peru live amidfl perpetual froft 
and fnow. Although their clothing is very 
flight, they fupport this inclement temperature, 
without the lead inconvenience. Habit, it is to 
be confefled, may contribute a good deal to this, 
but much alfo is to be af:ribet^ to the compact 
texture of their (kin, which defends them from 
the impreffion of cold through their pores. We 
mufl- confefs, however, notwithflanding the af- 
fertions and conjectures of an author io rcfpeft- 
abie as Don Ullo:», that we are not v^fry confi- 
dent, that either the flvins, or the fkuils of the 

Americans 



OF AMERICA. 35 

Americans are thicker than the {kins and fkuUs 
of many other nations ot mankind. But we do 
not wifli, in this place, to expatiate on this fub- 
je(5t, which can only be reduced to a certainty 
by the inveftigations of the anatomift, or natu- 
raliO. 

The Northern Indians refemble them in this 
refpefV The utmoft: rigours of the winter feafon 
do not prevent them from following the chafe 
almoft naked. It is true, they wear a kind of 
woollen cloak, or fometimes the fkin of a wild 
bead, upon their (boulders ; but, befides that 
it covers only a fmall part of their body, it would 
appear that they ufe it rather for ornament than 
warmth. In fa(ft, they wear it indifcriminaiely, 
in the fevcrities of winter, and in the fultrieft heats 
of fummer, v/hen neither Europeans nor Negroes 
can fufFer any but the flightefl clothing. They 
even frequently throw afide this cloak when they 
go a-hunting, that it may not embarrafs them, 
in traverfing their forefts, where, they fay, the 
thorns and undergrowth would take hold of it ; 
while, on the contrary, they llide fmoothly over 
UiQ farfaceof their naked bodies. At all times, 
they go with their heads uncovered, without 
fufFering the leaft inconvenience, either from the 
cold, or from thofe coups de foleily which in 
Louifiana are fo often fatal to the inhabitants of 
other climates. 

The Indians of South- America diftinguifli 
tbemfelves by modern drelTes, in which they 
afFcdl various taftes. Thofe of the high country, 
and of the valleys in Peru, drefs partly in the 
Spanilh fafhion. InOead of hats they wear 
bonnets of coarfe double cloth, the weight of 

which 



56 GENERAL HISTORY 

which neither ieems to incommode them when 
they go to warmer climates, nor does the acci- 
dental want of them feem to be felt in fituations 
where the moft piercing cold reigns. Their legs 
and feet are always bare, if we except a fort of 
fandals, made of the Ikins of oxen. The inha- 
bitants of South- America, compared with thofe 
of North- America, are defcribed as generally 
more feeble in their frame j lefs vigorous in the 
eiForts oi their mind ; of gentler difpofitions, 
more adicfted to pleafurc, and funk in indolence. 
— This, however, is not univerfally the cafe. 
Many of their nations are as intrepid and enter- 
prifiiig as any others f>n the whole continent. 
Among the tribes on the banks of the Oronokc^, 
if a warrior afpires to the port of captain, his 
probation begins with a long faff, more rigid 
than any ever obferved by the moft ablfemious 
hermit. At the clofe of this the chiefs affemble ; 
and each gives him three la(hes with a large 
v;hip, applied fo vigoroufly, that his body is 
almoft flayed. If he betrays the leaft fymptoni 
of impatience, or even of fenfibility, he is dif- 
graced, for ever, and is reje<5ted, as unworthy 
of the honour. After fome interval, his con- 
(hncy is proved by a more excruciating trial. 
He is laid in his hammock with his hands bound 
faft ; and an innumertble multitude of venomous 
ants, whole bite occafrons a violent pain and in- 
flammation, are thrown upon him. The judges 
cf his merit fland around the hammock ; and 
whilfl: thefe cruel infers faflen upon the mod 
ienfibiti parts of his body, a figh, a groan, or 
an involuntary motion, expreflive of what he 
fuflcrs, would exclude him from the dignity of 

which 



OF AMERICA. 37 

which he is ambitious. Even after this evidence, 
his fortitude is not deemed to be fufficently af- 
certained, till he has flood another tefl, more 
fevere if poflible than the former. He is again 
fufpcnded in his hammock, and covered with the 
leaves of the palmetto. A fire of {linking herbs is 
kindled underneath, fo as he may feel its heat, 
and be involved in fmoke. Though fcorched 
and almoft fuifocated, he mufl: continue to endure 
this with the fame patient infenfibility. Many 
peri{h in this eflay of their firmnefs and courage ; 
but fuch as go through it with applaufe, receive 
the enfigns of their new dignity with much fo- 
Jemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders 
of approved refolution, whofe behaviour, in the 
moft trying fituations, will do honour to their 
country. In North America, the previous trial 
of a warrior is neither fo formal, nor io fevere ; 
though, even there, before a youth is permitted 
to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are pro- 
ved by blows, bj* fire, and by infulrs, more in- 
tolerable to a haughty fpirit than either. 



D 2 CHAP. 



38 GENERAL HISTORY 



CHAP. III. 

Cujioms and Manners of the Aborigines of North- 
America^ more particularly — their Penftvenefs 
and Taciturnity — Form of Government — Public 
Affemblies — Wampums ^ or Belts. 



o 



F the manners and cuftoms of the 
North Americans more particularly, the follow- 
ing is the moft confident account that can be 
colk(5ted from the beft informed and moft im- 
partial writers. 

When the Europeans firft arrived in America, 
they found the Indians quite naked, except thofe 
parts which even the moft uncultivated people 
ufually conceal. Since that time, however, they 
generally uie a coarfe blanket, which ihey buy 
of the neighbouring planters. 

Their huts, or cabins, are made of ftakcs of 
wood driven into the ground, and covered with 
branches of trees, or reeds. They lie on the 
floor, either on mats, or the (kins of wild beafts. 
Their di(hes are of timber *, but their fpoons are 
naade of the fkuUs of wild oxen, and their knives 
of flint. A kettle and a large plate conftitute al- 
moft the whole utenfils of the tamily. — ^Their 
diet confifts chiefly in what they procure by 
hunting ; and I'agamite, or pottage, is likewife 
one of their moft common kinds of food. The 
moft honourable furniture amongft them is a coU 
le^Vion of the fcalps of their enemies ; with thefe 
they ornament their huts, which are efttemed 
in proportion to the number of thefe fort of fpoils» 

The 



OF AMERICA. 39 

The chara<n:or of the Indians is altogether 
founded upon their circumftances and way of 
life, A people who are conftantly employed in 
procuring the means of a precarious fubfiftencc, 
who live by hunting the wild animals, and who 
are generally engaged in war with their neigh- 
bours, cannot be fuppofed to enjoy much gaiety 
of temper, or a high flow of fpirits. The Indians, 
therefore, are in general grave, even to fadnefs : 
they have nothing of that giddy vivacity peculiar 
to fome nations of Europe, and they defpife it. 
Their behaviour to thofe about them is regular, 
modeft, and refpecTbful. Ignorant of the arts of 
amulement, of which that of faying trifles 
agreeably is one of the mod: confidcrable, they 
feldi)m fpeak but when they have fomething 
important to obierve ; and all their a61ions, 
words, and even looks, are attended with fome 
meaning. This is extremely natural to men who 
arealmoff continually engaged in puriuits, wJiich 
to ihem are of the higheft importance. Their 
ftibfiftence depends entirely on what they pro- 
cure with their hands *, and, their lives, their 
honour, and every thing dear to them, may be 
loll by the fmalkit inattention to the defigns of 
their enemies. As they have no particular objeft 
to attach them to one place rather than another, 
they go wherever they expe<5f to find the necef- 
faries of life in greateft abundance. Cities, which 
are the effects of agriculture and arts, they have 
none. The different tribes, or nations, are, for 
the fame reafon, extremely fmall, when compared 
with civilized focieties, in which induflry, arts, 
agriculture, and commerce, have united a vaft 
number of individuals, whom a complicated lux- 
ury 



40 GENERAL HISTORY 

ury renders ufeful to one another. Thefe fmali 
tribes live at an immenfe diflance ; they are fepa- 
rated by a defert frontitTr, and hid in the bolom 
of impenetrable and almoft boundlefs forefts. 

There is eftablidied in each fociety a certain 
fpecies of government, which prevails over the 
whole continent of America, with exceeding 
little variation ; becaufe over the whole of this 
continent the manners and way of life are nearly 
/imilar and uniform. Without arts, riches, or 
luxury, the great inltruments of lubjeftion in 
poliflied focieties, an American has no method 
by which he can render himfelf confiderable 
among his companions, but by fuperiority in 
perfonal qualities of body or mind. But, as 
Nature has not been very lavifh in her perfonal 
diftindlions, where all enjoy the fame education, 
all are pretty much upon an equality, and will 
defire to remain fo. Liberty, therefore, is the 
prevailing paflion of the Americans : and their 
government, under the influence of this fentiment 
is, perhaps, better fecured than by the wifefl 
political regulations. The} aie very far, however, 
from defpifing all forts of authority : they are 
attentive to the voice of wifdom, which. experi- 
ence has conferred on the aged, and they enlift 
under the banners of the chief in whofe valour 
and military addrefs they have learned to repofe 
a jud and merited confidence. In every fociety, 
therefore, there is to be confidered the power 
of the chiefs and of the elders. Among thofe 
tribes which are moii engaged in war, the power 
of the chief is, naturally, predominant ; becaule 
the idea of having a military leader was the firft 
fource of his fuperiority, and the conditional exi- 
gencies 



OF AMERICA. 41 

gencies of the flate requiring fuch a leader, will 
continue to fupport, and even to enhance it. His 
power, however, is rather perfuafive than 
coercive ; he is reverenced as a father, rather 
than feared as a monarch. He has no guards, 
no prifons. no officers of juftice, and one aft of 
ill-judged violence would pull him from his 
humble throne. The elders in the other form 
of government which may be confidered as a 
mild and nominal arillocracy, have no more 
power. In moft countries, therefore, age alone 
is fufficient for acquiring refpeft, influence, and 
authority. It is age which teaches experience, 
and experience is the only fource of knowledge 
among a favage people. Among thofe perfons 
bufinefs is conduced with the utmoft fimplicity, 
and which mayrecal, to thofe who are acquainted 
with antiquity, a pifture of the moft early ages. 
The heads of families meet together in a houfeor 
cabin appointed for the purpofe. Here the 
bufinefs is diicuffed and here thole of the nation, 
diftinguifhed for their eloquence or vvifdom, have 
an opportunity of displaying thofe talents. Their 
orators, like thofe of Homer, exprefs themfelves 
in a bold figurative Oyle, ftronger than refined, 
or rather foftencd, nations can well bear, and 
with geftures equally violent, but ofien extremely 
natural and expreffive. When the bufinei's is 
over, and they happen to be well provided with 
food, they appoint a feaft upon the occafion, of 
which almoft the whole nation partakes. The 
feaft is accompanied with a long, in which the 
real or fabulons exploits of their forefathers are 
celebrare.i. friey have dances too, though like 
thofe of the Greeks and Romans, they are chiefly 

of 



42 GENERAL HISTORY 

of the military kind ; and their mufic and dancing 
accompany every fcaf>. 

To aflift their memory, they have belts of fmall 
ihells, or beads, of different colours, each re- 
prefenting a particular objefl, u'hich is marked 
by their colour and arrangement, At the con- 
elufion of every fubjeft on which they difcourfe, 
when they treat with a foreign ftate, they deliver 
one of thofe belts j for if this ceremony lliould 
be omitted, all that they have faid paffes for 
nothing. Thefe belts are carefully depofited in 
each town, as the public records of the nation ; 
and to them they occafionally have recourfe, 
when any public contell happens with a neigh- 
bouring tribe. Of late, as the materials of which 
thofe belts are made, have become fcarce, they 
often give fome (kin in place of the wampum (the 
jjame of the beads,) and receive, in return 
'prtfents of a more valuable kind from the com- 
-miflioners ; for they never confider a treaty as of 
any weight, unlefs every article in it be ratified 
by fuch a gratification. 

It often happens, that thofe different tribes or 
nations, fcattered as they are at an immenfe dis- 
tance from one another, meet in their excurlions 
after prey. If there fubfifts no animofity between 
them, which feluom is the cafe, they behave in 
the mofi friendly and courteous manner : but if 
they happen to be in a ftatc of war, or if there 
has been no previous intercourfc between them, 
all who are not friends are deemed enemies, and 
they fight with the moll lavage fury. 



CHAP. 



OF AMERICA. 43 

CHAP. IV. 

CuftsmSi iS^c, of the Natives continued.'— -Their 
JVars — Ceremonies at Jetting out^-^EnJigns — 
Military Habits — ^lichtefs oftheirfenfes — Vigi- 
lance and CircumfpeEiion — Manner of Fighting 
— Treatment of Prifoners — Tortures — Conjlancy 
cfthe Sufferers — Surprifng Contraji in the Amer- 
icnn CharaBer* 

IF we except hunting and fifhing, war 
is the principal employment of the Indi;^n men : 
almofl every other concern, but in particular 
the little agriculture which they enjoy, is confign- 
ed to the women. The moft common motive of 
the Americans for entering into war, when it 
does not arile from an accidental rencounter, or 
interference, is either to revenge themleives for 
the death (^f fome loft friends, or to acquire 
prifoners, who may aflill them in their hunting, 
and whom they adopt into their focicty. Thefc 
wars arc either undertaken by fome private ad- 
venturers, or at the infHmee of the whole com- 
munity. In the latter cafe all the young men 
who are difpofed to go out to battle (for no one 
is compelled contrary to his incliriarion,} give a 
bit of wood to the chief, as a token of their 
defign to accompany \\\m j for every thing among 
theie people is trania^led with a great deal of 
ceremony and with many forms. The chief, 
who is to conduct them, fafts feveral days, 
during which time he converles with no one, 
and is particularly careful to obferve his dreams ; 
which the prefumption natural to favages gene- 
rally 



44 GENERAL HISTORY 

rally renders as favourable as he could defire. 
A variety of other fuperftitions and ceremonies 
are cbferved. One of the moft hideous is fetting 
the war-kettle on the fire, as an emblem that 
they are going out to devour their enemies ; 
which, among thefe nations, it is probable, was 
formerly the cafe, (ince they flill continue to ex- 
prefs it in clear terms, and ufe an emblem figni- 
ticant of the ancient ufage. Then, they difpatch 
a porcelain, or large fhell, to their allies, invit- 
ing them to come along, and drink the blood of 
their enemies. For with the Americans, as with 
the Greeks of old, 

" A generous friendfhip no cold medium knows; 
" But with one love, with one refcntment glows." 

They think thai thofe in their alliance muft not 
only adopt their enemies, but that they muft alfo 
have their refentmtnt wound up to the fame pitch 
with themidvcs. And, indeed, no people carry 
their friendfliips or their refentments ib far as 
they do •, and this is what fliould be expeiled 
from their peculiar circumftances : that principle 
in human nature which is the fpring of the iocial 
afFe6Vions, a6ls with i'o much the greater force 
the more it is reftrained. The Americans, who 
live in fmall focieties, who lee few objt<5>s and 
few perfons. become wonderfully attached to 
thole objects and perfons, and cannot be depriv- 
ed of them without feeling themlllves inikrable. 
Their ideas are too confined to enable them to 
entertain juft ientimenrs of humanity, or univer- 
fal hcncvoleuce. But this very circumliancc, 
while It makes them cruel and Jav;.ge to ai] in- 
credible degree, towards thofe with whom they 

arc 



OF AMERICA. 45 

are at war, adds a new force to their particular 
friend (hips, and to the common tie which unites 
the members of the fame tribe, or of thofc dif- 
ferent tribes which are in alliance with one 
another. Without attending to this refle(flion, 
ibme fa6Vs we are going to relate would excite 
our wonder without informing our reafon, and 
we would be bewildered «in a number of particu- 
lars, feemingly oppofire to one another, without 
being fenfible of the general caufe from which 
they proceed. 

Having finifhed all the ceremonies previous to 
the war, and the day appointed for their fetting 
out on the expedition being arrived, they take 
leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes, 
or whatever moveables they have, in token of 
mutual friendship ; af.er which they proceed 
from the town, their wives and female rel-itions 
walking before, and attending thern to fome 
diftance. The warriors march all drcffedin their 
fineft apparel and mod ihowy ornaments, with- 
out any order. The chief walks flowly before 
them,' finging the war fong, while the reil ob- 
ferve the moft profound filcnce. When they 
come up to their women, they deliver them all 
their finery, and putting on their woift clothes, 
proceed on their expedition. 

Every nation has its peculiar enfign or dand- 
ard, which is generally a reprefentation ot ibme 
bealt, bird, or hfh. Thofe among the Five 
Nations are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoile, and 
eagle; and by thofe names the tribes are ufually 
diitinguifhed. 1 hey have the figures of thofe 
animals pricked and printed on feveral parts of 
E their 



46 GENERAL HISTORY 

their bodies ; and when they march through the 
woods, they commonly at every encampment, 
cut the reprefentation of their enfign on trees, 
cfpecially after a fuccefsful campaign ; marking 
at the fame time the number of fcalps or prifoners 
they have taken. Thier military drefs is ex- 
tremely fingular. They cut off, or pull out, all 
their hair, except a fpot about the breadth of 
two Englifh crown-pieces, near the top of their 
heads, and entirely deftroy their eye-brows. The 
lock left upon their heads is divided into feveral 
parcels, each of which is fliffened and adorned 
with wampum, beads, and feathers of various 
kinds, the whole being twiifed into a form much 
refembling the modern pompoon. Their heads 
are painted red down to the eye-brows, and 
iprinkled over wiih white down. The griftlcs of 
their ears are fplit aimofl: quite round, and diftend- 
ed with wires or fplinters, (o as to meet and tie 
together on the nape of the neck. Thefe are, alfo, 
hung with ornaments, and generally, bear th^ re- 
prefentation of fome bird, or beail. Their nofesare 
like wife bored and hung with trinkets of beads, 
and tneirfaces painted, with various colours, foas 
to muke an awful appearance. Their breafts are 
adorned with a gorget, or medal, of brafs, copper, 
or fome other mettal i and that dreadful weapon 
theiicalping-knife hangs by alhing fromtheneck. 
The great qualities of an Indian warrior are 
vigilance and attention, to give and avoid a fur- 
prife ; and, indeed, in thefe they are fuperior to all 
nations, in the world. Accuflomed to continual 
wandering in the foreils ; having their percep- 
tions (harpened by keen neceffity, and living, in 

every 



OF AMERICA. 47 

every refpe(5^, according to nature, their exter- 
nal fenfes have a degree of acutenefs which, at 
firfl: view, appears incredible. They can trace 
out their enemies, at an immenfe diftance, by 
the fmoke of their fires, which they fmell, and 
by the tracks of their feet upon the ground, im- 
perceptible to an European eye, but which they 
can count and diflinguiOi, with the utmoll faci- 
lity. It is fiid, they can even diltiiiguifh the 
different nations with whom they are acquainted, 
and can determine the precife time when they 
pafTed, where an European could not with all 
his glalFes, diftingnifli footfteps at all. Thefe 
circumilances, however, are of lefs importance, 
becaufe their favage enemies are equally well 
acquainted with them. When they go out, 
therefore, they take care to avoid making ufe of 
anything by which they might run the danger of 
a difcovery. They light no fire to warm them- 
felves, or to prepare tlieir vi6tuals : they lie clofe 
to the ground all day, and travel only in the 
night ; and marching along in files, he that clofes 
the rear, diligently covers with leaves the tracks 
of his own feet and of theirs who preceded him. 
When they halt to refrefli themfelves, fcouts 
are fent out to reconnoitre the country and beat 
up every place where they fufpeft an enemy to 
lie concealed. In this manner they enter un- 
awares the villages of their foes -, and while the 
flower of the nation are engaged in hunting, 
maHacre all the children, women, and helplefs 
old men, or make prifoners of as many as they 
can manage, or have ftrength enough to be ufeful 
to their nation. But when the enemy is apprifed 

of 



48 GENERAL HISTORY 

of their defign, and coming on in arms againfl 
them, they throw rhemfelves flat on the ground 
among the withered herbs and leaves, which 
their faces are painted to refemble. They then 
allow a part to pafs unmo;efted, when, all at 
once, with a tremendous (liout, rifing up from 
their ambiifh, they pour a ftorm of mullvet-bullets 
on their foes. The party attacked returns the 
fnme cry. E^'ery one flielters h'mfelf with a 
tree, and returns the fire of the adverfe party, 
as loon as they raile themfelves from the ground 
^ to give a fecond fire. Tdus does the battle con- 
tinue until the one party is fo mnch weakened as 
to be incapable of farther refiilance. But if the 
force on each fide continues nearly equal, the 
fieice fpirits of the favnges, inflamed by the iofs 
of their friends, can no longer be reflrained. 
They abandon their difl:ant war, they rufli upon 
one another, with clubs and hatchets in their 
hands, magnifying their own courage, and in- 
fiilting their enemies with the bittereft reproaches. 
A cruel combat enfnes, death appears in a 
thoufaud hideous forms, which would congeal 
the blood of civilized nations to behold, but 
which roufes the fury of favages. They trample, 
they infult, over the dead bodies, and tear the 
fcalp from the head. The flame rages on till it 
meets witl; no refiilance ; then the prilbners are 
fccured, thofe unhappy men, whofe fate is a 
thoufand times more dreadful than theirs who 
have died in the field. The conquerors fet up a 
hideous howling, to lament the friends they 
iiave loll. They approach, in a melancholy and 
ievere gloom, to their own village ; a meffeoger 

is 



OF AMERICA. 49 

is fent to announce their arrival, and the women, 
with frightful (hrieks, come oat to mourn their 
dead brothers, or their hulbands. When they 
are arrived the chief relates, in a low voice, to 
the eiders, a circumftantial account of every 
particular of the expedition. The orator pro- 
claims aloud this account to the people; and as 
he mentions the names of thole who have fallen, 
the fhrieks of the women are redoubled. The 
men, too, join in thele cries, according as each 
is moil: conne6led with the deceafed by blood, 
or friendihip. The laft ceremony is the procla- 
mation of the victory ; each individual then 
forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the 
triumph of his nation ; all tears are wiped from 
their eyes, and, by an unaccountable tranfition, 
they pafs, in a moment, from the bitternefs of 
forrow to an extravagance of joy. But the treat- 
ment of the priibners, whofe fate remains all this 
time undecided, is what chiefly chaiadferifes the 
lavages. 

We have already mentioned the flrength of 
their affeiftlons, or refentments. United, as they 
are, in fmall focieties, cunne6fed, within them- 
felves, by the firmed ties, their friendly affec- 
tions, which glow with the mod intenfe warmth 
within rhe walls of their own village, feJdom 
extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the 
enemies of their nation ; and their refentment is 
eafily extended, from the individual who has 
injured them, to all others of the fame tribe. 
The priibners who have themfelves the fatne 
feelings, know rhe intentions of their conquerors, 
and are prepared for them. The peribn who 

has 
E 2 



50 GENERAL HISTORY 

has taken the captive attends him to the cottage, 
where, according to the difhibution niadc by the 
elders, he is to be delivered to fupply the lois of 
a citizen. If thofe who receive him have their 
family weakened by war or other accidents, they 
adopt the captive into the family, of which he 
becomes a member. But if they have no occa- 
fion for, him, or their refentment for the lofs of 
their friends be too high to endure the fight of 
any connefled with thofe who were concerned 
in it, they fentence him to death. All thofe 
who have met with the fame fevere fentence being 
.colledled, the whole nation is afTembled at the 
execution, as for feme great folemnity. A fcaf- 
fold is ere^led, and the prifoners are tied to the 
flake, where they commence their death fong, 
and prepare for the eniuing fceneof cruelty with 
the moit undaunted courage. Their enemies, 
on the other fide, are determined to put it to the 
proof, by the moft refined and exquifite tortures. 
They begin at the extremity of his body, and, 
gradually, approach the more vital parts. One 
plucks C'.t his nails by the roots, one by one j 
another takes a finger into his mouth, and tears 
off the flefh with his teeth -, a third thrufts the 
finger, mangled as it is, into the bowl of a pipe 
made red-hot, which he fmokes like tobacco 5 
then they pound his toes and fingers to pieces 
between two ftones ; they cut circles about his 
joints, and gaflies in the flefhy parts of his 
limbs, which they fear immediately with red-hot 
irons, cutting, burning, and pinching them al- 
ternately ; they pull off his flefh, thus mangled 
and roafted, bit by bit, devouring it with greedi- 

nefs, 



OF AMERICA. Si 

nefs, and fmearing their faces with the blood, 
in an enthufiafm of horror and fury. When 
they have thus torn off the fielh, they twift the 
bare nerves and tendons about an iron, tearing 
and fnapping them, whilft others are employed 
in pulling and extending his limbs in every way 
that can increafe the torment. This continues, 
often five or fix hours ; and fometimes, fiich 
is the ftrength of the favages, days together. 
Then they frequently unbind him, to give a 
breathing to their fury, to think what new tor- 
ments they fhall inflict, and to refrefh the ftrength 
of the fiifferer, who, wearied out with fuch a 
variety of unheard-of torments, often falls into 
fo profound a fleep, that they are obliged to 
apply the fire to awake him, and renew hisfuf- 
ferings. He is again faftened to the ftake, and 
again they renew their cruelty •, they fiick him 
all over with finall matches of wood that eafily 
takes fire but burns flowly : they continually 
run fiiarp reeds into every part of his body j 
they drag out his teeth with pincers, and thruft 
out his eyes; and, lafUy, after having burned 
his flefh from the bones with flow fires ; after 
having fo mangled the body that it is all but one 
wound •, after having mutilated his face in fuch 
a manner as to carry nothing human in it ; after 
having peeled the Ikin from the head, and poured 
a heap of red-hot coals or boiling water on the 
naked fkuU — they once more unbind the wretch ; 
who, blind, and daggering with pain and weak- 
nefs, afiiliulted and pelted on every fide with 
clubs and ftones, now up, now down, falling 
into their fires at every Hep, runs hither and 

thither, 



52 GENERAL HISTORY 

thither, until one of the chiefs, whether out of 
compaffion, or weary of cruelty, puts an end to 
his life with a club or dagger. The body is then 
put into a kettle, and this barbarous employ- 
ment is fucceeded by a feaft as barbarous. 

The women, forgetting the human as well as 
the female nature, and transformed into fome- 
thing worfe than furies, are laid to furpafs even 
the men in this fcene of horror ; while the 
principal perfons of the country fit round the 
ftake, fmoaking and looking on, without the leafl: 
emotion. What is nioft extraordinary, the fuf- 
ferer himfelf, in the little intervals of his tor- 
ments, fmokes too, appears unconcerned, and 
converfes with his torturers about indifrerent 
matters. Indeed during the whole time of his 
execution, there feems a conteft which (hall ex- 
ceed, they in infli6ting the mod horrid pains, or 
he in enduring them with a firmneis and con- 
Aancy almoft above human ; not a groan, not a 
figh, not a diftortion of the countenance, cfcapes 
him; he pofTefles his mind entirely in the midft 
of his torments : he recounts his own exploits : 
he informs them what cruelties he has inflidled 
upon their countrymen ; and threatens them with 
the revf;nge that will atttend his death ; and, 
thon})h his reproaches exafperate them, to a per- 
fect madnels of rage and fury, he continues his 
infulls even of their ignoraui e of the art of tor- 
menting, pointing out himfelf more exqulfite 
methods, and more lenfible parts of the body to 
bi- rifli6ted. The women have this part of cou- 
rage as well as the m. ■: ; and it is as rare for an 
Indian to behave otherwife as it wonld be for an 

European 



OF AMERICA. 53 

European to fuffsr as an Indian. Such Is the 
wonderful power of an early inftitution, and a 
ferocious third of glory ! " I am brave and in- 
trepid (exclaims the favage in the face of his tor- 
mentors) ; I do not fear death, nor any kind of 
tortures *, thofe who fear them are cowards ; 
they are lefs than women ; life is nothing to thofe 
that have courage. May my enemies be con- 
founded with defpair and rage ! Oh ! that I 
could devour them, and drink their blood to the 
lafl drop." 

But neither the intrepidity, on one fide, nor 
the inflexibility, on the other, are among them- 
felvfcs matter of aftoni(hrnent : for vengeance, and 
fortitude, in the midlt of torment, are duties 
which they confider hs facred ; they are the ef- 
fects of their earlieft education, and depend upon 
principles infilled into them from their infancy. 
On all other occafions they are humane and com- 
paflionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth of 
their afie61ion towards their friends, who confift 
of all thofe who live in the fame village, or are 
in alliance with it : among thefe all things are 
common; and this, though it may in part, and 
among fome of iha tribes, arife from their not 
poffelling very diflin^ notions of feparate pro- 
perty, is chiefly to be attributed to the ilrength 
of their attachment : becaufe, in every thing elfe, 
wdth their lives as well as their fortunes, they 
are ready to ferve their friends. Their houfes, 
their provifion, even their young women, are 
not enough to oblige a guefl. Has any one of 
thefe fucceeded ill in his hunting ? Has his har- 
veft failed ', or is his houfe burned ? He feels no 

other 



54 GENERAL HISTORY 

other effect of his misfortunes, than that it give's 
him an opportunity to experience the benevolence 
and regard of his fellow-citizens. On the other 
hand to the enemies of his country, or to thofe 
who have privately offended, the American is 
implacable. He conceals his fentiments -, he ap- 
pears reconciled until by fome treachery or fur- 
prife he has an opportunity of executing an hor- 
rible revenge. No length of time is fufiicient 
to allay his ref ntment ; no diftance of place 
great enough to protect the obje(n: j he crofTes 
the fteeptft mountains •, he pierces the mofl: im- 
practicable forefts, and traverfes the mofl hideous 
bogs and dcferts, for feveral hundred of miles ; 
bearing rhe inclemency of the feafon, the fatigue 
of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and 
ihirfl, with patience and cheerfulnels, in hopes 
of furprizing his enemy, on whom he exercifes 
the mofl fhocking barbarities, even to the eating 
of his iiefh. To fuch extremes do the Indians 
pufh their friendfhip or their enmity ; and liich 
indeed, in general, is the charafler of all flrong 
and uncultivated minds. 



CHAP. 



OF AMERICA. 55 



CHAP. V. 



Cttflotns^ ^c. of the Natives , continued — Treatment 
of their dead Friends — Super/litiont — Condition 
of their Women — Ardent Love of Liberty — 
Crimes and Puniffjments — Peculiar Manners of 
different blations — Longevity, 

X5UT what we have faid refpefling the 
Indians would be a faint piflure, did we omit 
obferving the force of their friend Ihip, which 
principally appears by the treatment of their 
dead. When any one of the fociety is cut off, 
he is lamented by the whole : on this occa- 
fion a variety of ceremonies are pra^lifed, de- 
noting the moft lively Ibrrow. No bufinefs is 
tranfaf^ed, however preffing, till all the pious 
ceremonies due to the dead are performed. The 
body is wa(hed, anointed, and painted. Then, 
the women lament the lofs with hideous bowl- 
ings, intermixed with fongs which celebrate 
the great alliens of the deceafed and his ancef- 
tors. The men mourn alfo, though in a lefs ex- 
travagant manner. The whole village is prelbnt 
at the interment, and the corpfe is habited in 
their moft fumptuous c-rnaments, Clofe to the 
body of the defuncft are placed his bows and 
arrows, with whatever he valued moft in his 
life, and a quantity of provifion for his lubfiftence 
on the journey which he is fuppofed to take. 
This folemnity, like every other, is attended with 
feafting. The funeral being ended, the relations 

of 



56 GENERAL HISTORY 

of the deceafed confine tbemfelves to their huts, 
f »r a cor.fiderable time, to indulge their grief. 
After an interval of fome weeks, they vifjt the 
grave, repeat their forrow, new-clothe the re- 
mains of the body, and aSt over again all the fo- 
lemniries of 'he funeral. 

Amung the various tokens of their regard for 
their dciCc?kd friends, the moft remarkable is 
the ceremony which they call ihafeaflofthedeady 
or the feaft of fouls. 'Fhe day tor this cere- 
mony is appointed in the council of their chiefs, 
who give orders for every thing which may 
enabie them to celebrate it wirh pomp and mag- 
nificence , and the neighbouring nations are invit- 
ed to partake of the entertainment. Ax thib time, 
all who have died lince the preceding feaft of the 
kind are taktn out of their graves. Even thofe 
who have been interred at the greateft diftancc 
from the villages, are diligently Ibught for, and 
Condu(S>ed to this rendezvous of the dead, which 
exhibits a fcene of horror beyond the power of 
delcription. When the feaft is concluded, the 
bodies are drelTc'l in the fineft fkms which can 
be procured, and after be ing expofed for fome 
time in this pomp, are again committed to the 
earrii, with great folemniry, which is fucceeued 
by funeral games. 

Their taftc for war, which forms the chief 
ingredient in their charti<5fci , gives a ftrong bias 
to their religion. Arefkouiy or the god of bartle, 
is revered as the great g^d of the Indians. Him 
they invoke- before they go into the field ; and 
according as hie riifpofition i? more or ieis favour- 
able to them, they conclude they will be more or 

lefs 



OF AMERICA. ,57 

Jefs fuccefsful. Some nations feem to do a kind of 
homage to the fun, as a iymbo), or minifter of the 
beneficence and power of the Great Spirit : others 
pay a fimiiar homage to the moon and planets ; 
among others, there is a number of traditions, 
relative to the creation of the world and the 
hiftory of the gods : traditions which refemble 
the Grecian fables, but which are ftili more 
abfurd and inconfirtent. But religion is not the 
prevailing character of the Indians -, and except 
when they have fome immediate occafion for the 
afliltance of their gods, they pay them no fortL 
of wor(hip. Like all rude nations, however, 
they are ftrongly addidfed to fuperftition. They 
believe in the exillence of a number of good and 
bad genii, or fpirits, who interfere in the aiRiirs 
of mortals, and produce all our happinefs, or 
mifery. It is from the evil genii, in particular, 
that our difeafes, they imagine, proceed ; and it 
is to the good genii we are indebted for a cure. 
The miniders of the genii are the jugglers, who 
are alfo the chief phyficiaqs among the la- 
vages. Thcfe jugglers are fuppofed to be infpired 
by the good genii, moff commonly in their 
dreams, with the knowledge of future events : 
they are called in to the affiilance of the fi^^k, 
and are fuppofed to be informed by the genii 
whether they will get over the difeafe, and in 
what way they mufl be treated. But thefe fpirits 
are extremely fimple in their fydem of phyfic, 
and, in almoffc every difeafe, diredl the juggler to 
the fame remedy. The patient is inclofed In a 
narrow cabin, in the midft of which is a Aone 
red-hot ; on this they throw water, until he is 
well foaked with the warm vapour and his own 
F fv/eat 



.38 GENERAL HISTORY 

fweat. Then they hurry him from this bagnio, 
and plunge him fuddenly into the ncxr river. 
This coarie method, which coi\s many their 
lives, often performs very extraordinary cures. 
*' Some of their remedies, however, which are 
almofl entirely derived from the vegetable king- 
dom, are certainly very powerful and efficacious, 
in their operations. The principalof thefe are a 
jpecies of Aillingia (perhaps a croton,) feveral 
ipecies of iris, particularly the verficoior, and 
the verna ; the bignoniacrucigera, ^c." — Thefe 
are principally employed by the jugglers, and 
old women ; bur mofl of the favages are more or 
lefs dextrous in curinr^ wounds, and diieafes. 
But the power ol- their remedies is generally 
attributed by the favages to the magical ceremo- 
nies with which they are adminiftered. 

Although the Indian women generally bear 
the laborious, part of the domeftic economy, 
their condition, at lead among many of the 
tribes, is far from being fo wretched, lb (lavifli, 
and deprefTed, as has been reprefented, by Dr. 
Robertion, and by many other writers. We do 
not mean, in this place, to engage in an inquiry 
concerning the comparative reJpedlability and 
importance of the female charafter in the various 
flages of fociety and improvement : an inquiry 
which has employed the pens of fome of the 
moft learned and eloquent writers of the prefent 
age, and concerning which there are ftill various, 
and very oppofite, opinions. This, however, 
we think, we may, confidently and fafcly, affert, 
that the condition of the women among many of 
the American tribes is as refpcflable and as im- 
portant as it was among the Germans, in the 

days 



OF AMERICA. 59 

days of Tacitus ; or as it is among any other 
nations, with whom we are acquaumted, in a 
fimilar ftage of improvement. " Ti->e;r balinefs, 
or employment," fays the ingenious Mr. Wil- 
liam Bartram, " is chicfiv in their houfes, except 
at thofe leafoQS when their crops of miize, &c» 
are growing, at which times they generally turn 
out with their hufbands and parents •, but they 
are by no means compelled to do this, and one 
feldom fees a third as many females as males at 
work, in their plantations." You may de- 
pend on my aiTertion," (fays the (time gentleman, 
who had ample opportunities of ftudying the 
cuftoms and manners of the fouthern Indians, of 
whom he is fpeaking, in this place) <' thrst there 
are no people, any where, who love their women 
more than thefe Indians do, or men of better un- 
derlhinding in diitinguifning the merits of the 
oppofite fex i— or men more faithful in rendering 
fuitable compenfation. They are courteous and 
polite to their women, — gentle, tender and fond- 
ling, even to an appearance of effeminacy. An 
Indian man leldom attempts to ufe a woman, of 
any defcription, with indelicacy, either of adlion, 
or of language. 

" In the hunting feafons, that is, in autumn, 
and in winter, when the men are generally out 
in the foreifs, the whole care of the houfe or 
family devolves on the women: at thefe times 
they are obliged to undergo a great deal of labour 
and fatigue, fuch as cutting wood, &c. But 
this labour is, in part, alleviated by the afTiflance 
«f the old men, who are pall their hunting days, 
or who are, no longer, capable of ferving in 

war/' 



60 GENERAL HISTORY 

war." But nothing more clearly fhows the im- 
portance and refpeflability of the women among 
the Indians than this circumftance, that, among 
fome of the tribes, they are permitted to prefide in 
the councils of their country : to this we may 
add, that feveral of the Florida nations have, at 
different times, been governed by the wifdom, 
and the prudence of female caciques. 

Polygamy is pra6lifed by fome nations, but it 
is not general. In mod, they content themfelves 
wirh one wife ; but a divorce is admitted of in 
cafe of adultery. No nation of the Americans is 
without a regular marriage, in which there are 
many ceremonies ; the principal of which is, the 
bride's prefenting the bridegroom with a plate 
of their corn. The women, though before 
incontinent, are remarkable for chaftity after 
marriage. 

Liberty, in its full extent, being the darling 
paflion of the Indians, their education is directed 
in fuch a manner as to cherifli this difpofition to 
the utmoft. Hence children are never upon any 
account chaftifed with blows, and they are fel- 
dom even reprimanded. Reafon, they fay, will 
guide their children when they come to the ufe 
of it, and before that time their faults cannot be 
very great : but blows might damp their free and 
martial fpirit, by the habit of a flavifh motive to 
adlion. When grown up, they experience no- 
thing like command, dependence or fubordina- 
tion ; even ftrong perfuafion is induftrioufly 
withheld by thofe who have influence among 
them. — No man is held in great efleem, unlefs 
he has increafed the ftrengih of his country with 

a cap- 



OF AMERICA. 61 

a captive, or adorned his hut with a Icalp of one 
of his enemies. 

.Controverfies among the Indians are few, and 
quickly decided. When any criminal matter is 
fo flagrant as to become a national concern, it is 
brought under the jurirdi(ftion of the great coun- 
cil j but in ordinary cafes, the crime is either re- 
venged or compromifed by the parties concerned. 
If a murder be committed, the family which has 
loft a relation prepares to retaliate on that of the 
offender. They often kill themuidererj and 
when this happens, the kindred of the lad perfon 
flain, look upon themfelves to be as much injured, 
and to have the iame right to vengeance, as the 
other party. In general, however, the offender 
abfents himfelf ; the friends fend compliments 
of condolence to thofe of the perfon who has 
been murdered. The head of the family, at 
length, appears with a number of prefents, the 
delivery of which he accompanies with a formal 
fpeech. The whole ends, as ufual, in mutual ■ 
feaftings, in fongcs, and in dances. If the mur- 
der is committed by one of the fame family, or 
cabin, that cabin has the full right of judgment 
within itfelf, either to punifh the guilty with 
death, or to pardon him, or to oblige hnn to give 
fome recompenfe to the wife or children of the 
flain. Inftances of fuch a crime, however, very 
feldom happen ; for their attachment to thofe of 
the f ime family is remarkably ftrong, and is faid 
to produce fuch friendfhip as may vie with the 
moft celebrated in fabuloas antiquity. 

Such, in general, are the m nmers and cuftoms 

of the Indian nations i but aimoft every tribe has 

fomething peculiar to itfelf, Anaongthe Hurons, 

F 2 and 



62 GENERAL HISTORY 

and the Natches, the dignity of the chief is faid 
to be hereditary, and the right of fucceffion in 
the fen:iale line. When this happens to be ex- 
tin 61, the moil refpe^lable matron of the tribe, 
we are informed, makes choice of whom (he 
pleafes to fuccced. 

The Chcrokees are governed by feveral fa- 
rhems, or chiefs, ele(ned by the different villages ; 
as are alfo the Creeks, and the Choftaws. The 
two latter punifh adultery in a woman by cutting 
off her hair, which they will not fnffer to grow 
till the corn is ripe, the next feafon •, but the 
Illinoife, for the fame crime, cat off the women's 
nofes and ears. 

The Indiims on the Lakes are formed into a 
fort of empire ; and the emperor is eledled from 
the eldeft tribe, which is that of the Ottowawas. 
This authority is very confiderable. A few 
years ago, the perfon who held this rank formed 
a defign of uniting all the Indian nations, under 
his fovereignty ; but he mifcarried in the bold 
attempt. 

In genera], the American Indians live to a 
great age, although it is not eafy to know from 
themfeives the exact number of their years. It 
was alked of an Indian, who appeared to be ex- 
tremely old, what age he was of? I am above 
twenty, was his reply. Upon putting the 
queftion in a different form, by reminding him 
of certain circumfiances, in former times, my 
i/mc/ju, faid he, fpoke to me, when I was young, 
of the Incas ; and he had ieen thefe princes. Ac- 
cording to this reply, there muff have elapfed, 
from the date of his macha's (his grandfather's) 
remembrance to that time, a period of, at leaft, 

232 



OF AMERICA. 63 

232 years. The man who made this reply, ap- 
peared to be 120 years of age, for, befides the 
whitenefs of his hair and beard, his body was al- 
mofl bent to the ground ; without, however, 
jfhowing any other marks of debility, or fuffer- 
ing. This happened in 1764. This longevit}', 
attended in general with uninterrupted health, is 
thought by fome writers, to be the confequence 
in part of rlieir vacancy from all ferious thought 
and employment, joined alfo with the robufl 
texture and confirmation of their bodily organs. 
If the Indians did not deftroy one another, in 
their almoll perpetual wars, and if their habits 
of intoxication were not Co univerfal and incu- 
rable, they would be, of all the races of men 
who inhabit the globe, the moft likely to extend, 
not only the bounds, but the enjoyments, of 
iuimal life to their utmoil: duration. 



CHAP. 



64 GENERAL HISTORY 



CHAP. VI. 

Other PiBures of the Native Americans — Amcdote 

of an Algonquin Woman — Reproached with Ptt^ 

jtllajiimity — Perfidy — Weaknefs of Underfianding 

— Indolence and Stupidity — Vanity and Conceit — 

their Eloquence difparaged* 

JL-iET us now attend to other picftures 
which have been given of the aboriginal inhabi- 
tants of America. The vices and defe<ffcs of the 
American Indians have been by feveral writers, 
moft unaccountably aggravated, and every vir- 
tue and good quality denied them. Their cruel- 
ties has been already defcribcd, and accounted 
for. The following anecdote of an Algonquin 
woman we find adduced as a remarkable proof 
of their innate thirft of blood. That nation 
being at war with the Iroquois, (lie happened to 
be taken prifoner, and was carried to one of the 
villages belonging to ihem. Here (he was ftrip- 
ped naked, and her hands and feet bound, with 
ropes, in one of their cabins. In this condition 
fhe remained ten days, the favages deeping round 
her every nighr. The eleventh night, while 
they were afleep, fhe found means to difengage 
one of her hands, with which fhe immediately 
freed herfelf from the ropes, and v;ent to the 
door. Though (he had now an opportunity of 
efcaping unperct^ived, her revengeful temper 
could nor kt flip fo favourable an opportunity of 
killing one ot her enemies. The attempt was 
maaifeflly at the hazard of her own life ; yet 

fnatching 



OF AMERICA. 65 

fnatching up a hatchet, (he killed the favage that 
lay next her : and, fpringing out of the cabin, 
concealed herfelf in a hollow tree, which (he had 
obferved the day before. The groans of the 
dying perfon ioon alarmed the other favages, 
and the young ones immediately fet our in per- 
fuit of her. Perceiving, from her tree, that 
they all dire(5ted their courle one way, and that 
no lavage was near her, ftie left her fanftuary, 
and flying by an oppofjte diredlion, ran into a 
foreft without being perceived. The fecond day 
after this happened, her footfteps were difcover- 
ed i and they purfued her with fuch expedition, 
that the third day flie difcovered her enemies at 
her heels. Upon this, fhe threw herfelf into a 
pond of water ; and diving among iome weeds 
and bulrufhes, ihe could jufl breath above water 
without being perceived. Her purfuers, after 
making the moft diligent fearch, were forced to 
return. — For 35 days this woman held on her 
courfe through woods and deferts, without any 
other fuftenance than that which roots and wild 
berries afforded her. When fne came to the 
river St. Lawrence, (he made, with her owri 
hands, a kind of a wicker raft, on which flie 
croffed it. As flie went by the French for Trois- 
Kiviers, without well knowing where (he was, 
(he perceived a canoe full of favages ; and fearing 
they might be Iroquoife, ran again into the woods 
where flic remained till funfet. — Continuing her 
courfe foon after, flie faw Trois-Riviers ; and 
was then difcovered by a party whom flie knew 
to be Hurons, a nation in alliance with the 
Algonquins. She then fquatted down, behind 
a bufti, calling out to them that fh€ was not in a 

condition 



66 GENERAL HISTORY 

condition to be feen, becaufe (he was naked. 
They immediately threw her a blanket, and then 
conducted her to a fort, where (he recounted 
her ftory. 

Perfbnal courage has been denied them. In 
proof oftheirpufillanimityjthefollowing incidents 
are quoted from Charlevoix by lord Karnes, in 
h i s Sketches of the Hijlory of Man . " Th e f o r t de 
Vercheres, in Canada, belonging to the French, 
was, in the year 1690, attacked by the Iroquois. 
They approached filently, preparing to fcale the 
palifade, when fome muiket-fnot made them 
retire. Advancing a fecond time, they were 
again repulfed, wondering that they could dii- 
cover none but a woman, v/ho was feen every 
where. This was Madame de Vercheres, who 
appeared as reiolute as if fuoported by a nume- 
rous garrifon. The hopes of llorming a place 
without men to defend it, occafioncd reiterated 
attacks. After two days {\^^^ chey retired 
fearing to be intercepted in the.r retreat. Two 
years after, a party of the fame nation appeared 
before the fort fo une"Kpe<fl-ed!y, that a girl of 
fourteen, daughter of the proprietor, had but 
time to ihut the g itc. With ihe young woman 
there was not a ibui but one raw foldier She 
/howed herfelf, with her aflidanr, fometimes in 
one place, and fomedmes in another j changing 
her drefs frequently, in order to give Ibme ap- 
pearance of a garilbn ; always firing oppor- 
tunely. The faint-hearted Iroquois decamped 
without fuccefs." 

There is no inflance it is faid, either of a 
fmgle Indian facing an individual, of any other 
nation, in fair and open combat, or of their 

jointly 



OF AMERICA. 67 

jointly venturing to try the fate of battle with an 
equal number of any foes. Even with the 
greateit iuperiority of numbers, they dare not 
meet an open attack. \et, nntwithflanding this 
wan^ of courage, they are ftill formidr?ble ; nay, 
it has been known, that a fmall party of them has 
routed a much fuperior body of regular troops : 
but this can only happen when they have furprifed 
them in the faftneffes of their fo.dh, where rhe 
covert of the wood may conceal them until they 
take their aim with the utmoil certainty. After 
one fuch diicharge they immediately retreat, 
without leaving the fmalleft trace of their route. 
It may eafily be iuppofed, that an onlet of this 
kiiul muft produce confufion -even among the 
fteadieft troops, when they can ntither know the 
number of their enemies, nor perceive the place 
where they lie in ambufh. 

Ptrfi 1y combined with cruelty has been alfo 
m;-.de a part of their charadler. Don Ulioii re- 
lates, that the Indians called Natches, in Loui- 
fiuna, laid a plot of mnlTacring, in one night, 
evcsy individual belonging to the French colony 
eftabiiihed there. This plot rhey a6fually exe- 
cuted, notvvithftanding che feeming good under- 
ftati'liPg that fuhGfted between them and thefe 
European neighbours. Such was the fccrecy 
which thty obtcrvtd, that no perfon had the 
leaii iufpicion of their defign until the blow was 
flruck. One Fit-nchnmn filone elcaped, by favour 
of 'he darkntrfs, to relate the difafler of his 
countrymen. The compaffion of a female Indian 
contributed alio, in ioroe meafurc, to Wi? ex- 
emp'ion Uom diegenerd n.iaiTcJcre. The tribe 
of Natches had inviicd the Indians of o;her 

countries, 



68 GENERAL HISTORY 

countries, even to a confiderable diftance, tojoin 
in the (^dvae confpiracy.. The day, or rather the 
night, was fixed, on which they were to make 
an united attrick on the French colonics. It 
was intimated by fending a parcel of rods» more 
or lefs numerous according to the local diftance 
of each tribe, with an injunction to abftraO one 
rod daily ; the day on which the laft fell to be 
taken away being that fixed for the execution of 
their plan. The women were partners of the 
bloody fecret. The parcels of rods being thus 
diftributed, that belonging to the tribe of Natches 
happened to remain in the cuftody of a female. 
This woman either moved by her own feelings 
of compaflion, or by the commiferation expref- 
fed by her female acquaintances, in the view of 
the propofed fcene of bloodfiied, abftrafled one 
day three or four of the rods, and thus antici- 
pated the term of their tribe's proceeding to the 
execution of the general conipiracy. The con- 
fequence of this was, that the Natches were the 
only a6Vors in this carnage •, their diftant aflfociates 
having ftill feverai rods remaining at the time 
when the former made the attack. An oppor- 
tunity was, thereby, given to the colonifts, in 
thofe quarters, to take meafures for their defence, 
and for preventing a more extenfive execution 
of the deugn. 

It was by confpiracies fimilar to this that the 
Indians of the province of Macas, in the kingdom 
of Qu^ito, deftroyed the opulent cityof Logrogno, 
the colony of Guambaya, and its capital Seviila 
del Oro ; and that {o completely, that it is no 
longer known in what place thefe fettlements 
exifted, or where that abundance of gold was 

found 



OF AMERICA. Ob 

found from which the laft-mentioned city took 
the addition to its name. Similar ravages have 
been committed upon I'Imperial, in Chili j the 
colonies of the Miflions of Chuncas, thofe of 
Darien, in Terra-Firma, and many other places, 
which have afforded fcenes of this barbarous 
ferocity. Thcfe confpiracies are always carried 
on in the fame manner. . The fecreti'; inviolably 
kept, the aflors affemble at .the precife hour 
appointed, and every individual is animated with 
the (ame fanguinary purpofes. The males who 
fall into their hands are put to death, with every 
Allocking circumftance that can be iuggefted by 
a cool and determined cruelty. The females are 
carried off and preferved, as monuments of their 
vicfory, to be employed as their occafions re- 
quire. 

Nor can this odious cruelty and treachery, it 
is faid, be juftly afcribed to their fubjecffion to a 
foreign yoke, feeing the fame character belongs 
equally to all the originalinhabitants of this vaft 
continent, even to thofe who have preferved 
their independence mofi: completely. Certain it 
is, continues Ulloa, that thefe people, with the 
mofl limited capacities of every thing eife, difplay 
an af^onifhing degree of penetration and fubtle- 
ty, with refpe<5t to eveiy obje<5t that involves 
treachery, bloodflied, and rapine. As to thefe, 
they feem to have been all educated at one 
fchool ; and a lecret, referring to any fuch 
plan, no confideration on earth can extort from 
them. 

Their under (landings alfo have been repre- 
fented as not lefs contemptible than their Plan- 
ners are grofs and brutal. Many nations, it has 
G been 



70 GENERAL HISTORY 

been faid, are ntither capable of forming an ar- 
rangement for futurity, nor does their folicitude 
or forefight extend fo far They fet no value 
upon thole things of which they are not in fome 
imtnediate want. In the evening, f^iys father 
Labat, when a Carib is going to rei>, no con- 
fideration will tempt him to fell his hammock ; 
but in the morning he will part with it for the 
flightefl: trifle. At the clofe of winter, a North- 
American, mindful of what he has fuffered from 
the cold, fets himfelf with vigour to prepare 
materials for ere(5ling a comfortable hut, to pro- 
te£t him againft the inclemency of the fucceeding 
feafon : but as foon as the weather becomes mild, 
he abandons his work, and never thinks of it 
more till the return of the cold compels him to 
refume it. — In (hort, to be free from labour feems 
to be the utmoft wifh of an American. They 
will continue, whole days, Uretched in their 
hammocks, or (eated on the earth, without 
changing their pofture, rai(ing their eyes, or 
uttering a fmgle word. They cannot compute 
the I'ucceffion of days, or of weeks. The dif- 
ferent afpeffs of the moon alone engage their 
attention, as a meafure of time. Of the year they 
have no other conception than what is fuggefled 
to them by the alternate heat of fummer, and by 
the cold of winter ; nor have they the leafl idea 
of applying to this period the obvious computa- 
tion of the months which it contains. When it 
s afked of any old man, in Peru, even the moft 
civilized, what age he is of? the only anfwer he 
can give is the number of caciques he has feen. 
It often happens, too, that ihey only recolle(rt 
the moft diflant of thefe princes, in whofe time 

certain 



OF AMERICA. ,71 

certain circumftances ha<^ happened peculiarly 
memorable, whilft of thofe who lived in a more 
recent period they have- loft all remembrance. 

The fame ^rofs ftupidity is alleged to be ob- 
fervable in thole Indians who have retained their 
original liberty. They are never known to fix 
the dates of any events in their minds, or to "trace 
the fucceffion of circumftances that have arifen 
from fuch events. Their imagination takes in 
only xhQprefent, and in that only what intimately 
concerns themlelves, Nor can difcipline or in- 
flru<5lion overcome this natural defe6l of appre- 
henfion. In facff, the fubje^fted Indians in Peru, 
who have a continual intercourfe with the Spa 
niards, who are furnifhed with curates perpe- 
tually occupied in giving them leflbns of religion 
and morality, and who mix with all ranks of the 
civilized fociety eftablifhed among them, are 
almoft as ftupid and barbarous as their country- 
men who have had no fuch advantages. The 
Peruvians, while they lived under the govern- 
ment of their Incas, preferved the records of 
certain remarkable events. They had alfo a kind 
of regular government defcribed by the hiftorians 
of the conqueft of Peru. This government ori- 
ginated entirely from the attention and abilities 
of their princes, and from the regulations ena6led 
by them for directing the condu6f of their fub- 
jefts. This ancient degree of civilization among 
them gives ground to prefume that their legifla- 
tures fprung from Ibme race more enlightened 
than the other tribes of Indians ; a race, of which 
no individual feems to remain in the prefent 
times. 

Vanity 



V2 GENERAL HISTORY 

Vanity and conceit are fiiid to be blended with 
their ignorance, and treachey. Notwithfland- 
ing ail they fufFer from Europeans, they IVill, it 
is 1 iid, confider themiclves as a race of men far 
iuperior to rhcir conquerorb". T?ii^ proud belief, 
arifing irom their perverted ideas of excellence, 
is univerfal over the whole known continent of 
America. They do not think it poffible that 
any people can be fo intelligent as themfelves. 
When they are dete^led in any of their plots, it 
is their common obfcrvation, that the Spaniards, 
or Vircchocasy want to be as knowing as they 
are. Thole of Louifiana and the countries ad- 
jacent, are equally vain of their I'uperior under- 
ilanding, confounding thut quality with the 
cunning which they temfelves conftanrly prac- 
tife. The whole obje(fi of their tranla<Sions is 
to over-reach thofe with whom they deal. Yet 
though faithleis themfelves, they never forgive 
the breach of promife on the part of others. 
While the Europeans feek their amity by pre- 
fents, they give themfelves no concern to fecure 
n reciprocal friend fhip, Hence, probably, arifes 
their idea, that they muft be a fuperior race of 
men, in ability and intelligence, to thofe who 
are at fuch pains to court their alliance, and 
avert thar enmity. 

Their natural eloquence has alfobcen decried. 
The free tribes of favages who enter into con- 
ventions with tltc Europeans, it is obfervcd, arc 
accuftomed to make long, pompous, and, ac- 
cording to their own notions, fublime harangues, 
but wifhour any method, orconnsxinn. The 
whole is a coUeiflion of dibjcnnred metaphors and 
comparifons. The light, hear, and courfe of 



OF AMERICA. 75 

the fun, form the principal topic of their diC- 
courfe ; and thefe unintelligible reafonings are 
always acconapanied with violent and ridiculous 
geftures. Numberlefs repetitions prolong the 
oration, which if not interrupted, would laft 
whole days : at the fame time, they meditate 
very accurately, before hand, in order to avoid 
mentioning any thing but what they are defirous 
to obtain. This pompous faculty of making 
fpeeches is alfo one of the grounds on which 
they conceive themfelves to be fuperior to the 
nations of Europe 5 they imagine that it is their 
eloquence that procures them the favours they 
alk. The fubjeded Indians converfe precifely in 
the fame ftyle. Prolix and tedious, they never 
know when to ftop ; {o that excepting by the 
difference in language, it would be impollible, 
in this refpefV, to diftinguilli a civilized Peruvian 
from an inhabitant of the moil favage diflri6ls to 
the northward. 



CHAP. 



74^ GENERAL HISTORY 

CHAP. VII. 

All the Charges in the foregoing Chapter partiali and 
not free f torn mifreprefentatiofi — Their Senftbilityy 
l^c- — Their Courage — Their Politenefs andCivility, 



B 



lUT fuch partial and detached 
views, as the above, were they even free from 
mlfreprefentatlon, are not the juft ground upon 
"which to form an eftimate of the chara(fi:er of the 
aboriginal inhabitants of the New-World. Their 
qualities, good and bad, (for they certainly 
pofTefs both,) their way of life, the llate of foci- 
ety among them, with all the circumftances of 
their condition, ought to be confiderecl in cornier- 
ion, and in regard to their mutual influence. 
Such a view has been given in the preceding part 
of this Book : from which, it is hoped, their 
real character may beeafily deduced. 

Many of the difagreeable traits exhibited in the 
anecdotes jufl: quoted, are, indeed, extrafted 
from Don Ulloa •, an author of credit and repu- 
tation -, but a Spaniard, and evidently biaffed, in 
fome degree, by a defire to palliate the enormities 
of his countrymen in that quarter of the globe. 
And, with regard to the worfl and leafl equivocal 
parts of the American chara(5ler, cruelty and 
revenge ; it may be fairly queftioned, whether 
the inftances of thefe, either in refpc(5l of their 
caufe or their atrocity, be at all comparable to 
thoie exhibited in European hiftory, and ftaining 
the annals of Chriftendom : — to thofe, for in- 
ftance, of the Spaniards, themfelves, at their 
firfl difcovery of America ; to thofe indicated 
by the engines found on board their mighty 

Armada, 



OF AMERICA. 75 

Armada, in 1584; to thofe which, in cold 
blood, were perpetrated by the Dutch at Am- 
boyna ; to the dragoonings of the French ; to 
their religious maflfacres : the horrors of their 
Revolution : or, even, to the tender mercies of the 
Inquifition ! 

Their friend(hips are ftrong, and faithful to 
the uttermo<V extremity. A remarkable inftance 
of this appeared in the cafe of the late Col. Byrd 
of Virginia, who was fent to the Cherokee na- 
tion to tranfaft fome buiinefs with them. It 
happened that fome of our diforderly people had 
juft killed one or two of that nation. It was, 
therefore, propofed in the council of the Che- 
rokees, that Col. Byrd (fiould be put to death in 
revenge for the lofs ot their countrymen. 
Among them was a chief called Si/ouee, who, on 
fome former occafion, had contracted an acquain- 
tance and friendfhip with vJol. Byrd. He came 
to him every night, in his tent, and told him not 
to be afraid, they fhould not kill him. After 
many days deliberation, however, the determina- 
tion was, contrary to Silouee's expe(5f ation, that 
Byrd (hould be put to death, and fome warriors 
were difpatched as executioners. Silouee at- 
tended them *, and when they entered the tent, 
he threw himlelf between them and Byrd, and 
faid to the warriors, "This man is my friend : 
before you get at him you mufl kill me." On 
which they returned ; and the council refpected 
the prmciple fo much as to recede from their de- 
termination. 

That "they are timorous and cowardly" is a 
character with which there is little reafon to 
charge them, when we recolleff the manner in 

which 



76 GENERAL HISTORY 

which the Iroquois met Monf. ,who march- 
ed into their country ; ia which the old men, 
who fcorned to fly, or to furvive the capture of 
their town, braved death, like the old Romans, 
in the time of the Gauls, and in which they foon 
after revenged themfelves by facking and deftroy- 
ing Montreal. In fhort, the Indian is brave, 
when an enterprize depends on bravery; edu- 
cation with him making the point of honour to 
confift in the deftru6lion of an enemy by ftrata- 
gem, and in the prelervation of his own perfon 
free from injury : or, perhaps, this is nature, 
while it is education which teaches us to honour 
force more than finefle. He will defend himfelf 
againft an hoft of enemies, always choofing to 
be killed rather than to furrcnder, though it be 
to the whites, who, he knows, will treat him 
well. In other fituations, alfo, he meets death 
'with more deliberation ; and endures tortures 
with a firmnefs unknown almofl to religious en- 
thufiafm among us. 

To form a juft eftimate of their genius and 
mental powers, Mr Jefferfon obferves, more fa 61$ 
are wapting, and great allowance is to be made 
for ihofe circumftances of their fituation which 
call for a difplay of particular talents only. This 
done, we fhall, probably, find that the Ame- 
ricans are formed, in mind as well as in bo 'y, on 
the lame model with the homo Japiens Europaus, 
The principles of their ibciety forbidding all 
Gompulfion they are to be led to duty aud to 
enterprize bv prrfbnal influence and perfuafion. 
Hence eloquence in council, bravery and aJdrefs 
in war, become the foundations of all confe- 
quence with them. To thefe acquirements all 

their 



OF AMERICA. 77 

their faculties are directed. Of their bravery 
and addrjfs in war we have multiplied proofs, 
becaufe we have been the-fubje(5\s on which 
they were exercifed. Of their eminence in ora- 
tory we have fewer examples, bccaufe it is dif- 
played chiefly in their own opiincils. Some, 
however we have of very fuperior lulire. We 
may challenge the whole orations of Demoft- 
henes and Cicero, and of any more eminent 
orator, if Europe has furnifhed more eminent, 
to produce a fingle paflage fuperior to the I'peech 
. of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dunmore, 
when governor of Virginia. 

When any of them come into our towns, our 
people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon 
them, and incommode them when they defire to 
be private *, this they efteem gr' at rudenefs, and 
the effecl of the want of inftruftion in the rules 
of civility, and good manners. " We have," 
fay they, '* as much curiolity as you ; and when 
you come into our to\yns, we wilh for oppor^- 
tunities of looking at you ; but for this purpofe 
we hide ourfelves behind bufhes, where you are 
to pafs, and never intrude ourfelves into your 
company.'* 

Their manner of entering one another's vil- 
lages has likewile its rules. It is reckoned un- 
civil in travelling grangers to enter a village 
abruptly, without giving notice of their approach. 
Therefore, as foon as they arrive within hearing, 
they flop and hollow, remaining there till invited 
to enter. Two old men ufualiy come out to them, 
and lead them in. There is in every village a 
vacant dwelling, Called \.\\t Jl ranger^ s-houfe . Here 
they are placed, while the old men go round from 

hut 



78 GENERAL HISTORY 

hut to hur, acquainting the inhabitants that 
Grangers are arrived, who are probably, hun- 
gry and weary ; and every one fends them what 
he can fpare of vi«5lua^s, and (kins to repoie on. 
When the ftrangers are refrefhed, pipes and 
tobacco are brought ; and then, but not before, 
converfation begins, with inquiries who they 
are, whither bound, what news. Sec. and it 
uiuaiiy ends with offers oi fervice •, if the llran- 
gers have occafion tor guides, or any neceffaries 
for ci>ntinuing their journey j and nothing is ex- 
aifled for the entertainment. 



CHAP. 



OF AMERICA. 79 



CHAP. VIII. 



(^fthe Peopling of America — Old and New-Conti- 
nent fuppofed to have been formerly joined — At 
prefe7jt feparated only by a narronv Strait — Con- 
jeElures concerning the fir/i Migrations into the 
NeiV'Continent — Mr. Penatifs opinion — Cuf 
tomsy ^c common to the e after n Afiatics and the 
Americans — Brute Creation migrated by the 
fame Route. 



FIE queflions which now prefent 
themfelves to our notice are, From what part of 
the Old-World has America, moft probably, 
been peopled ? — And how was this peopling ac- 
complilhed ? — 

Few qupflions in the hifiorjTof mankind have 
been more agitated than thefe. — Philolbphers, 
and men of learning and ingenuity, have been 
fpeculating upon them.^ ever fmce the diicovery of 
the American-Iflands, by Chridopher Columbus. 
— But notwithltanding all the labours of Acofla, 
of Grorius, and of many other wrirers of emi- 
uence, the iubje(5f fiid affords an ample field for 
the refearches of the man of fcience, and for the 
fancies of the theorift. 

Difcoveries, long ago made, inform us, that 
an intercourfe between the Old-Continent and 
America might be carried on, with facility, from 
the north- weft extremities of Europe and the 
north-eaft boundaries of Afia. In the ninth 
century the Norwegians Jifcovered Greenland, 
and planted a colony there. The communication 

with 



&0 GENERAL HISTORY 

with that country was renewed in the lall cen- 
tury by Moravian miflionaries, in order to pro- 
pagate their dodlrines in that bleak and uncul- 
tivated region. By them we are informed that 
the north-weft coaft of Greenland is feparated 
from America by a very narrow ftrait ; that at 
the bottom of the bay it is highly probable that 
they are united ; that the Efquimaux of America 
perfefliy refemble the Greenlanders, in their 
afpe6f, drel's, and mode of living ; and that a 
Moravian miffionary, well acquainted with the 
language of Greenland, having vifited the coun- 
try of the Efquimaux, found, to his aflonifh- 
ment, that they (poke the fame language with 
the Greenlanders, and were, in every rei"pe»ft, 
the fame people. The llime fpccies of animals, 
too, are found in the contiguous regions. The 
bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the deer, the 
roebuck, the elk, frequent the forefts of North- 
America, as well as thofe in the north of Eu- 
rope. 

Other difcoveries have proved, that if the two 
continents of Afia and America be (eparated at 
all, it is only by a narrow ftrait. Fiom this part 
of the Old-Continent, alio inhabitants may have 
pafTed into the New -, and the refemb lance be- 
tween the Indians of America and the eaftern 
inhabitants of Afia, would induce us to conjec- 
ture that they have a common origin. This is 
the opinion adopted by Dr. Robertfon, in his 
Hirtory of America, where wc find it accv)m- 
panied with i-he following narrative. 

" While th^4e im'nenft regions which ftretch- 
ed ea ft ward from the river Oby to the fea of 
Kamtfchatka were unknown, or imperfe(fHy ex- 
plored, 



OF AMERICA. 81 

plored, the norih-eafl: extremities of our hemif- 
phere were fuppoied to be lo far diifant from 
any part of the New-World, that it was not eafy 
to conceive how any communication Aioiild have 
been carried on between them. But the Ru/Iians, 
having fubje(n:ed the wedern part of Siberia to 
their empire, gradually extended their knowledge 
of that valf coun'ry, by advancing towards the 
eafl into unknown provinces. Thcfe were dif- 
covered by hunters in their excurHons after 
game, or by foldiers employed in levjniig-ihe 
taxes ; and the court of Mofcow eftimated the 
importance of thofe countries only by the fmall 
addition which they made to its revenue. At 
length, Peter the Great afcended the Ruffian 
throne : His enlightened, comprehenfive mind, 
intent upon every circumftance that could ag- 
grandize his empire, or render his reign illuflri- 
ous, difcerned confequences of those difcoveries, 
which had efcaped the obfervation of his ignorant 
predecefTors. He perceived, that, in proportion 
as the regions of Afia extended towards the call 
they muft approach nearer to AiTiCrica j that the 
communication between the two continents, 
which had long been fearched for in vain, would 
probably be found in this quarter j and that, by 
opening this intercourfe, fome part of the wealth 
and commerce of the weflern world might be 
made to flow into his dominions by anew chan- 
nal. Such an objeft fuited a genius that delighted 
in grand fchem.es. Peter drew up inftruflions 
with his own hand for profecuting this dcfign, 
and gave orders for carrying it into execution. 

" His fucceiTors adopted his ideas, and pur- 

lued his plan. The officers whom the Ruffian 

H Cou^^ 



82 GENERAL HISTORY 

court employed in this fervice, had to ftruggic 
with To many difficulties, that their progrefs was 
extremely flow. Encouraged by fome faint 
traditions among the peopleof Siberia concerning 
;t fucccfsful voyage in the year 1648 round the 
north-ea[\ promontory of Afia, they attempted 
to follow the fame courfe. VefTels were fitted 
out, with this view, at different times, from the 
rivers Lena and Lolyma -, but in a frozen ocean, 
which nature feems not to have deHined for 
navigation, they were expofedto many difaflers, 
without being able to ficcompUfh their purpofe. 
No velTel fitted out by the Ruffian court ever 
doubled this formidable cape j we are indebted 
for what is known of thole extreme regions of 
Afia, to the difcoveries made in excurfions by 
land. In all thofc provinces, an opinion prevails, 
that countries of great extent and fertility lie at 
no confiderable diltance from their own coafts. 
-Thcfe the Ruffians imagined to be part of Ame- 
rica ; and feveral circumflanccs concurred not 
only in confirming them in this belief, but in 
periuading them that ibme ponion of that con- 
tinent couid not be xc^y remoie. Trees of va- 
rious kinds, unknov,-n in ihofe naked regions of 
Afia, are driven upon ihe coafl by an eafierly 
wind. By the fiime wind floating ice is brought 
thither in a few days *, flights of birds arrive 
annually from the fame quarter ; and a tradition 
obtains among the inhabitants, of an intercouric 
formerly carried on with feme connrries fituated 
to the eafl. 

*< Afier weighing all thcfe particulars, and 
comparing the pofiiion of the countries in Afia 
which they had difcovered, with fuch parts in 

the 



OF AMERICA. 83 

the nortJi-wed: of America as were already 
known ; the Ruffian court formed a plan, which 
v/ould have hardly occurred to any nation lefs 
accuP-omed to engage in arduous undertakings, 
and to contend with great difficulties. Orders 
were ifllied to build two vc/fels at 0-:hotz, in the 
lea of Kamtfchatka, to fail on a voyage en' dif- 
covery. Though that dreary uncultivated region 
furniflied nothing that could be of ulc in con- 
iirucling them but foine larch-trees ; though not 
only the iron, the cordage, the fails, and all the 
numerous articles reqniri;e for their equipment, 
but the proviiions for vi'lvialiing them, were to 
be carried.! hr()i;o!i tlv- immcnfe delcrts oFSiberi;i, 
along rivers of difficult navigation, and roads 
almoll impalT^ible, tiie niiMiJate of the ibvereign, 
and ilic pcrJevtr.incc o: the people, at lad lur- 
niouired every ooihiclv. Two veflels were 
iin i]i::'.i ; a:]=J, u'Ller the cormyinnd of captains 
Ijchring and rioiiirikow, ihiltd from Kanit- 
ichatka in qiieil of the Nevv-\¥ur;d, in a quarter 
where it hid never bcvn appronched, d'hcv 
(haped their c-vr:c to\vards theeafl: ; and though 
a ilorm loon iboirijed the vciTch^ which never 
ruod.eJ, and niiny diiaders b^fel them, tiie ex. 
pefratioiis froui tlie voy.ige were nor altogether 
iruflrated. Each of the oniauindcrs dlicovered 
hiii(], \^'hieh ij 'hem appeared to be part of the 
America;; coutineut ; and according to thtir ob- 
ierviitionsj it feenrs to be fitnated within a few 
degrees of tlie t^orih-wefi coafc of California. 
Each let iotric or his people adiore : but in one 
place the inhabit.'.nts i\cA as the Ruffians ap- 
proached ; in aiiothcr, they carried off thofe 
who landed and dcA royed their boats. The 

violence 



b^ GENERAL HISTORY 

violence of the ueaiher, and the diflrefs of their 
crews, obliged both to quit this inhofpitable coaft. 
In their return they touched at feveral illands, 
which ftrctch in a chain from eaft to we(l between 
the country which they had dilcovered and the 
coafl: of Afia. They had fome intercourfe with 
the natives, who feemecl to them to reiemble the 
North-Americans. They prefented to the Ruf- 
fians the calumet, or p'.pe of peace, which is a 
Ti'mbol of frlenddiip i3niverf.il among the people 
of North- America, and an ufage of arbitrary in- 
fVitution peculiar to them." 

The more recent p.nd accurate difcoveries of 
that illuArious navigator Cooke, and of his fuc- 
ctlFor Gierke, have brought the matter (till nearer 
to certainty. The fea, from the fouth of Beh- 
riijg's Strr.iLs to the crcfcent of iiles between Afia 
2nd America, is very druillow. It deepens from 
tbefc firaitb (as the Britifh feas do from thofc of 
Dover) till foundings are loil in the Pacific 
Ocean : but that docs not take place but to the 
iouth of the ilks. Between them and the ftraits 
is an iucreafe from 12 to 54- fathoms, except only 
off St. Thaddeus-Nols, where there is a channel 
of greater depth. From the volcanic difpofifion, 
it has been judged probable, not only that there 
was a ftparaiion of the continents at the flraits 
K)^ Behring, but that the whole fpace from the 
Ifles to that fraall opening had once been occupied 
by land ; and that the fury of the watery element, 
iK^tuated by that of fire, had in mofl: remote tim.es, 
iiibvcrted and overwhelmed the tra<fi:, and left 
the iflands to ferve as monumental fragments. 

Without adopting all the fancies of BufPon, 
there can be uo doubt, as the Abbe Clavigero 

obferves 



OF AMERICA. 85 

obferves, that our planet has been fubje^led to 
great viclflirudes fince the deluge. At prefenr, 
they ploui>h thofe lands over which (IVips, for- 
merly, failed, and now they fail over lands which 
were, formerly, cultivated ; earthquakes have 
fvvaliowed fome lands, and fnbrerraneous fires 
have thrown up others : the rivers have formed 
new foil with their mud : the fea, retreating from 
the fliores, has lengthened the land in fome pla- 
ces, and advancing in others has diminifned it -, 
it has feparated fome territories which were for- 
merly united, and formed new rtraits and gulphs. 
We have examples of all thefe revolutions in the 
pail century. Sicily was united to the continent 
of Naples, as Eubea, now the Black Sea, was 
to Bcj3oria. Diodorus, Straba, and other antient 
authors, fay the lame thing of Spain, and of Af- 
rica ; and aflirm, that by a violent eruption of the 
ocean upon the land between the mountains 
Abyla and Calpe, that communication was bro- 
ken, and the Mediterranean Sea was formed. 
Among the people of Ceylon there is a traditioa 
that a fimilar irruption of the fea feparated their 
iQand from the peninfula of India. The fame 
thing is believed by thofe of Malabar with ref- 
petft to the ifles of Maldivia, and with the Ma- 
layans with refpeft to Sumatra. It is certain, 
fays the count de BuiTon, that in Ceylon the earth, 
has loft 30 or 40 leagues, which the fea has 
taken from it ; on the contrary, Fongres, a place 
of the Low-Countries, has gained 30 leagues of 
land from the fea. The northern part of Egypt 
owes its exiilence to inundations of the Nile. 
The earth which this river has brought from the 
nland countries of Africa, and depofited in its 
li 2 inundations. 



S6 GENl'RAfi HISTORY 

inundation?, has formed a ioW of more than ^6 
cubits, of depth. In ])ke mnnner, adds the above 
author, the province of the Yellow-River in 
China, and that of Louifiana-, have only been 
formed of the mud of rivers. Piiny, Sencca, 
Diodoriis, and Strabo, report innumerable exam- 
ples of fi rail a r revokitions, which we oiriit, that 
our dilTertation may not become too prolix; as 
liifo mcdiV modern revolutions, which are rehrted 
in the theory of the earth of the Count dc Buf- 
fon, and other authors. in South America, all 
ihofc who have obferved with philofophic eyes 
the peninfula of Yucatan, do not dou'bt that that 
country has dnce been the bed of the fea ; and, 
on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama, many 
indicrtions fhow the iflandofCuba to have been 
once united to the continent of Florida. In the 
irraii which feparates America from Afia many 
iOands are found, which probably were tlte 
mountains belonging to that traifl of land which 
we fuppofe to have been fwallowed up by earth- 
quakes i which is made more probable by the 
multitude of volcanos which we know of in the 
])eninrala of Kamilchatka. It is imagined, how- 
ever, that the finking of that land, and the fepa- 
rarion of the two continents, have been occafion- 
cd by thofe great and extraordinary earthquakes 
mentioned in the hiflories of the Americans, 
which formed an a^ra almoft as mem.orable as 
that of the deluge. The hiflories of the iolte- 
cas fix fuch earthquakes in the year I TecpatI 
but as we know not to what century that belong- 
ed, we can form no conjedlure of the time that 
great calamity happened. If a great earthquake 
(hould overwhelm the iftmus of Su^Zj and there 

{hould 



OF AMERICA. 8T 

ihoiild be at the fiime time as great a fcarcity of 
hiftoriaiis as there were in the tirft ages after the 
deluge, it wouid be doubted, in 300 ur 400 years 
after, whether Afia had ever been united by that 
part to Africa and many would firmly deny it. 

Whether that great event, the reparation of 
the continents, took place before or after the 
population of America, it is impoffible for us to 
determine : but we are indebted to the above- 
mentioned navigators for fettling the long difputc 
about the point from which it was efFe(^l:ed. 
Their obiervations prove, that in one place the 
diilance between continent and continent is only 
39 miles, not ( as the author of the Recherches 
F kllofophiques fur les Amer'icaiu would have it) 
800 leagues. This narrow flrait has alfo in the 
middle two iilands, which would greatly facili- 
tate the migration of the Asiatics into the New- 
World, fuppofing that it took place in canoes 
after the convulfion which rent the two conti- 
nents afunder. Befides, it may be added ,that 
thefe ftraits are, even in the iummer, often filled 
"with ice ; in winter, often frozen, in either 
cafe, mankind might find an eafy pafilige j in the 
laft, the way was extremely ready for quadru- 
peds to crois and Itock the continent of America. 
But where, from the vafi expanfe of the north- 
eaftern world, to fix on the firft tribes who con- 
tributed to people the New-Continent, now in- 
habited almofl from end to end, is a matter that 
baffles human reafon. The learned may make 
bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good 
fenfe cannot always accede to them. 

As mankind increafed in numbers, they natu- 
rally protruded one another foiward. Wars 
might be another caufe of migrations. There 

appears 



88 GENERAL HISTORY 

appears no reafon why the Afiatic north might 
not be an officma virorum, as well as the Euro- 
pean. The overteeming country, to the eafl of 
the Riphasan-Mountains, mufl: find if neceilary 
to difcharge its inhabitants : the firft great wave 
of people was forced forward by the next to it, 
more tumid and more powerful than itfelf : fnc- 
ceffive and new impulfes continually arriving, 
(hort reft was given to that which fpread over a 
more eaftern tract ; difturbed again and again, it 
covered frefli regions ; at length, reaching the 
fartheft limits of the Old-World, found a new 
one, with ample fpace to occupy unmolefted for 
ages ; till Columbus curfed them by a dilcovery, 
which brought again new fins and new deaths to 
both worlds. 

^' The inhabitants of the Nev^'- World (Mr. 
Pennant oblerves), do not confift of the offspring 
of a fingle nation : different people, at feveral 
periods, arrived there •, and it is impoflible to 
lay, that any one is now to be found on the ori- 
ginal fpot of its colonization. It is impofiible> 
with the lights which we have fo recently receiv- 
ed, to admit that America could receive its in- 
habitants (at leaft the bulk of them) from any 
other place than eaftern Afin. A few proofs 
may be added, taken from cuftoms or dreffes 
common to the inhabitants of both worlds \ fome 
have been long extin<5t in the old, others remain 
in both in full force. 

" The cuftom of- fcalping was a barbarifm in 
ufe with the Scythians, who carried about them, 
at ail rimes, this lavage mark of triumph : they 
cut a circle round the neck, and ftripped off the 
ikin, as they would that of an ox. A little image, 
* found 



OF AMERICA. 89 

found among the Kalinucs, of a Tartarian deity, 
mounted on a horfe, and fitting on a human fkin, 
with (calps pendant from the breaO, fully illuf- 
trates the cuftom of the Scythian progenitors, as 
dcfLfibed by the Greek hirtorian. This ufage, 
as we well know, by horrid experience, is con- 
tinued to this day in America. The ferocity of 
the Scythians to their priibners extended to the 
remotefl: partof Afia. The Kamtfchatkans, even 
at the time of their difcovery by the Ruffians, 
put their prifoners to death by the mofl: linger- 
ing and excruciating inventions ; a practice in 
full force to this very day among the aboriginal 
Americans. A race of the Scythians were ftyled 
Anthropophagi^ from their feeding on human fiefh. 
The people of Nootka-Sound flill make a repafl 
on their fellow-creatures \ but what is more 
wonderful, the favage allies of the Britifh army 
have been known to throw the mangled limbs of 
the French prifoners into the horrible caldron, 
and devour them with the fame reliHi as th ofe of 
a quadruped. 

*< The Scythians were faid, for a certain time 
annually to transform themfelves into wolves, and 
again to refume the human (hape. The new dif- 
covered Americans about Nootka-Sound, at this 
lime difguife themfelves in dreffes made of ficins 
of wolves, and other wild beafts, and wear even 
the heads fitted to their own. Thefe habits they 
ufe in the chace, to circumvent the animals of 
the field. But would not ignorance or fuperfti- 
tion afcribe to a fupernaturalmetamorphofis thefe 
temporary expedients to deceive the brute crea- 
tion ? 

« In 



<J0 GENERAL HISTORY 

" In their marches, the Kamtfchatkans never 
went abreaft, but followed one another in the 
fame track. The fame cuftom is exaflly obferved 
by the Americans. 

<* The Tongufi, the mod numerous .nation 
refident in Siberia, prick their faces with fin.ill 
pun<5liires, with a needle, in various ftiapes; then 
rub into them charcoal, fo ihat the marks become 
indelible. This cuftom is ftill obferved in feve- 
ral parts of America. The Indians on the back 
of Hadfon's Bay, to this day, perform the ope- 
ration exa6l]y ia the fame manner, and pun^lure 
the fkin into various figures *, as the natives of 
New-Zealand do at prefenr, and as the ancient 
Britons did with the herb gladum, or woad -, 
and the Virginians, on the lirll difcovery of that 
country by the Englifh. 

" The Tongufi nCe canoes made of b'rch-bark, 
diflended over ribs jof wood, and nicely fowed 
-together. The Canadian, and many other An^ie- 
rican nations, ufe no other fort of bouts. The 
paddles of the Tongufi, are broad at' each end ; 
thofe of the people near Cook's river, and of 
Oonalafch'a,*are of the fame form. 

" In burying of the dead, many oF the Ame- 
rican nations place the corpfe at full length, after 
preparing it according to their cudomo j others 
place it in a fiidng pofturc, and lay by it the 
moft valuable cloathing, wampum, and other 
matrerb. The Tartars did the fame : and both 
people agree in covering the whole with earth, 
fo as to forni a tumulus, barrov.-, or carnedd. 

" Some of the American nations haniT their 
dead in trees. Certain of the Tonguf: obicrve a 
fimilar cuftom. 

" We 



OF AMERICA. 91 

" We can draw feme analogy from drefs 5 
conveniency in that article muft have been con- 
iulted on both continents, and originally the ma- 
terials muft have been the fame, the (kins of birds 
and beafts. It is lingular that the conic bonnet of 
the Chinefe (hould be found among the people of 
Nootka. I cannot give into the notion, that the 
Chinefe contributed to the population of the 
New- World •, but we can, readily, admit that a 
ihip wreck might furnidi thofe Americans with a 
pattern for that part of the drefs. 

^* In refpect to the feature? and form of the 
human body, almoft every tribe found along the 
weftern coaft has fome fimilitude to the Tartar 
nations, and, ftill, retain the little eyes, fmall 
nofes, high cheeks, and broad faces. They vary 
in fize, from the luPcy Caimucs to the little No- 
gvVians. The internal Americans, fach as the 
Five-Indian nations, who are tall of body, robuft 
in make, and of oblong fiices, are derived from 
a variety among the Tartars themfelves. The 
fine race of Tfchntfld feems to be the flock from 
which thofe Americans are derived. The Tfchut- 
Tk!, again from that fine race of Tartars the Ka- 
bardinflci, or inhabitants of Kabarda. 

" But, about Pi'ince William's Sound begins 
a race chiefly diftinguifhed by their drefs, their 
canoL^s, and indruments of the chafe, from the 
tribes to the fouth of them. Here commences 
the Efquimaux people, or the race known by that 
name in the high latitudes of the eaftern fide of 
the continent. They may be divided into two 
varieties. At this place they are of the largeft 
fize. As they advance northward, they decreafc 
height, till they dwindle into the dwarfifii 

tribes 



I a 



92 GENERAL HISTORY 

tribes which occupy feme of the coafts of the Icy- 
Sea, and the maritime parts of Hudfon's-Bay, of 
Grteniaiii), und Terra de- Labrador. The fa- 
mous Jap^nefe map places fome iflands feemingly 
within tht^ (traits of ikhring, on which is bellow- 
ed the title of Ta-Zue^ or the kingdom of the 
Dwarfs. Does not rhis in fome manner authen- 
ticarc rhe chart, and give us reafon to Ibppofe 
that America was not unknown to the Japenefe ; 
and that they had -as is mentioned by Kaempfer 
ami Charlevoix) made voyages of difcovery, and, 
according to the lafl:, actually wintered on the 
Continent ? That they might have met with the 
Efqnimaux is very probable ; whom in compp^- 
rifon of themfelves, they might juftly diftinguifli 
by the name of dwarfs. The reafon of their low 
iiature is very obvious : thefe dwell in a mod fe- 
vere climate, amidft penury of food *, the former 
in one much more favourable, abundant in pro- 
vifions i circumftances that tend to prevent the 
degeneracy of the human frame. At the ifland 
of Oonalafcha, a diale(5f of the Efquimaux is in 
ufe, which was continued along the whole coafl: 
from thence northward. 

The continent which ffocked America with 
the human race, is fuppofed, by Mr. Pennant, 
to have poured in their brute creation through 
the fame pafTage. Very few quadrupeds cond- 
nued in the peninfula of Kamtfchatka \ Mr. Pen- 
nant enumerates only 25 which are inhabitants 
of land : all the reft perfifted in their migration, 
and fixed their rcfidence in the New-World. Se- 
venteen of the Kamtfcatkan quadrupeds are 
found in America : others are common only to 
Siberia, or Tartary, having, for unknown caufes, 

entirely 



®F AMERICA, <)-, 

entirely evacuated Kamtfcatka, and .divided 
themfelves between America and the parts of Afia 
above cited. Multitudes again, have deferted 
the Old- World, even to an individual, and fixed 
their feats at diftances mofl remote from the fpot 
from vi^hich they took their departure ; from 
mount Ararat, the refting place of the ark, in a 
central part of the Old World, and excellently 
adapted for the difperfion of the animal creation, 
to all its parts. " We need not be ftartled (fays 
Mr. Pennant; at the vaft journeys many of the 
quadrupeds took to arrive at their prefent feats. 
Might not numbers of fpecies have found conve- 
nient abodes in the vaft alps of Afia, inftead of 
wandering to the Cordilleras of Chili ? or might 
not others have been contented with the bound- 
lefs plains of Tartary, inftead of travelling thou- 
fands of miles to the extenfive flats of Pampas ? 
— To endeavour to elucidate common difficulties 
is certainly a trouble worthy of the philofopher, 
and of the divine •, not to attempt would be a 
criminal indolence, a neglefl to 



Vindicate the ways of God to man. 



A 



But there are multitudes of points beyond the 
human ability to explain, and yet are truths un- 
deniable : the fafts are indifputable, notwith- 
ftanding the eaufes are concealed. In fuch cafes, 
faith mu ft be called into our relief. It would, 
certainly, be the height of folly to deny to that 
''"Ing who broke open the great fountains of the 
deep to effeft the deluge — and afterwards, to 
compel the difperfion of mankind to people the 
globe, dire(5ted the confufion of languages — pow- 
I ers 



H GENERAL HISTORY 

fcrs inferior in their nature to thefe. After fuch 
wondrons proofs of omnipotency, it would be ab- 
furd to den)' the poffibilityof infuCog inftinifl: into 
the brute cieation. Densest a}iimabrutcrum\ " God 
hirafelf is the foul of brutes :" his pleafure mufl 
have determined their will, and direcled feveral 
fpecies, and even whole genera, by impulfeirre- 
fiftable, to move by flow progreffion to their def- 
tined regions. But for that, the llama and tne 
pacos might ftill have inhabited the heights of 
Armenia; and fome more neighbouring Alps, in- 
llead of labouring to gain the diftant Peruvian 
Andes; the whole genus of armadillos, flow of 
foot, would never have quitted the torrid zone 
of the Old-World for that of the New ; and the 
whole tribe of monkeys would have gambolled 
together in the forefts of India, inflcad of divid- 
ing their refidence between the (hades of Indof- 
tan, and the deep forefts of the Bralils : lions and 
tigers might have infefted the hot parts of the 
New-World, as the firll do the deferts of Afri- 
ca, and thelalf the provinces of Afia ; or the pan- 
therine animals of South-America might have re- 
mained additional icourges with the lavage bcaffs 
of thole ancient continents. The Oid-World 
would have been overftocktd with animals ; the 
New remained an unanimated wafte ! or both 
have contained an equal portion of every beaftof 
the earth. Let it not be objecfted, that animals 
bred in a fouthern climate, after the defcent of 
their parents from the ark, would be unable tg 
bear the froft and fnow of the rioorous north, be- 
fore they reached South-Ani<rrica, the place of 
their final deftination. It mull be confidered, 
that the migratioo rauil have been the work of 

ages ; 



OF AMERICA. 95 

ages ; that in the courfe of their progrefs each 
generation grew hardened to the climate it had 
reached -, and that, after their arrival in Ameri- 
ca, they would again be gradually accuftomed to 
warmer and warmer dimates, in their removal 
from north to fouth, as they had in the reverfe, 
or hofr. fouth to north. Part of the tigers llill 
inhabit the eternal fnows of Ararat, and multi- 
tudes of the very fame fpecies live, but with ex- 
alted rage, beneath the line, in the burning foil 
of Borneo, or Sumatra ; but neither Jions or ti- 
gers ever migrated into the New- World. A few 
of the firfl: are fwund in India and Perfia, but they 
are found in nun^bers only ifi Africa. The tiger 
extends as far north as wcflern Tartary, in lat. 
40 50, bur never has reached America. 

In fine, the conjec^tures of the learned refpe^t' 
ing the vicinity of the Old and New-World are 
now, by the difcoverics of late great Navigators, 
loft in convifllon ; and- in the place of imagi- 
nary hypothefis, the real place of migration is 
aimoft incontrovertibiy pointed out. Some (from 
a pafTage in PJato) have extended over the Athin- 
tic, from the ftraits of Gibralter to the coaft of 
North and South-America, an iOand equal in fize 
to the continents of Afia and Africa ; over which 
had pafTcd as over a bridge, from the lat':er, 
men and animals ; wool-headed negroes, and 
lions and tigers, none of which ever exifted in 
the New-World. A mighty fea arofe, and, in 
one day and night, engulphed this ftupendous 
tra<fl:, and with it every being which had not com- 
pleted its migration into America. The whole 
negro race, and almoil every quadruped, now 
inhabitants of Africa, perifl:ied in this critical day. 

Five 



96 GENERAL HISTORY 

Five only are to be found, at prefent, in Ameri-« 
ca •, and of thefe only one, the bear, in South- 
America -, Not a fingle cuftom, common to the 
natives of Africa and America, to evince a com- 
mon origin. Of the quadrupeds, the bear, ftag, 
wolf, fox, and weefel, are the only animals 
which we can pronounce, with certainty, to be 
found on each continent. The flag, the fox, 
and the weelel, have made, alfo, no farther pro- 
grefs in Africa than the north ; but on the fame 
continent the wolf is fpread over every part, yet 
is unknown in South- America, as are the fox 
and weefel. In Africa and in South- America the 
bear is very local, being met with only in the 
north of the fird, and on the Andes in the laR, 
Some caufe unknown arrefled its progreis in Afri- 
ca and impelled the migration of a few into the 
Chilian- Alps, and induced them to leave unoccu- 
pied the vaft tra(5l from North- America to ihc 
lofty Cordilleras. 



CHAP. 



OF AMERICA. 97 

CHAP. X. 

Remains of Antiquity in America. 

Allusions have often been made by 
travellers, and others, to ibme remains in Ame- 
rica which appeared to owe their original to a 
people more intimately acquainted with the arts 
of life, than the favage tribes which inhabited 
this continent on its ftrft difcovery by the Euro- 
peans, or than thofe which are, at prefent, fcat- 
teied through various parts of its extent. In a 
iinall work, published in London, in 1787, enti- 
tled Ohfervations on fome pairts of natural h'ljfory : 
to ivhich is prefixed y an account of fevtral remarkable 
vcfiiges of an a?2cient date, ivhich have been dif cover- 
ed in different parts oj America.^' Part I. the author 
has colieaed the fcattered hints of Kalm, of Car- 
ver, of Filfon, and fome other travellers, and 
writers ; and has added a plan and defcripiion 
of a regular work, which he fuppofes to have 
been 2. fortification, that has been difcovered near 
the confluence of the rivers Ohio and Muikingum. 
The remains defcribed, or alluded to, in this pub- 
lication, are chara(f{:ers, or fingular marks, which 
were fuppofed by fome Jefuirs, who exanin^d 
them to be Tartarian; furrows, as if il la d 
had been ploughed ; a flone wall, mv)urds )f 
earth, of different forms and fizes j earthen 
walls, and ditches, &c. 

The 

* By Dr. Benjamin Smith Barton, of Philadelphia. ^ 
1 2 



98 GENERAL HISTORY 

The mounds of earth are fuppofed, by the au- 
thor, to have been de/lgned for different pnrpo- 
fes : the fmalhr ones are, evidently, tumuli, or 
repnfitories of the dead ; and, he thinks, the lar- 
ger ones, as that at Grave-creek (a branch of the 
Ohio) ; many which are to be feen in Mexico, 
and in other parts of America, were intended to 
ierve as the bales of temples. 

The mofl: curious part of this little work is the 
defcription, together with the plan, of the fup- 
pofed fortification, above alluded to. It is fitu- 
ated on the eafl fide of the river Muficingum, a- 
bout half a mile above its junftion with the river 
Ohio, nearly in the latitude of 39. 21. and about 
170 miles below Fort-Pitt, at the confluence of 
the rivers Alleghany and Monongahela. The 
town as it has been fometimcs called, is a large 
level, encompaffed by walls of a tetragon form ; 
occupying a piece of ground about one quarter 
of a mile fquare. Thefe wails are from fix to 
ten feet in height, and from twenty to forty feet 
in thicknTs. They are, at prefent, overgrown 
with vegetables of different kinds, and, among 
others, with trees, fome of u^hicji are of a very 
confiderable diameter. Each fide of the walls is 
divided, by three chafms, or openings, into four, 
nearly equal parts ; thefe chafms are direflly op- 
pofite to each other. Within the walls there are 
three elevations ; the largefl of thefe is of an ob- 
long form, 74 yards long, 44 yards broad, and 
6 feet in height : the fecond is nearly of a fimi- 
lar form, 50 yards long, and 40 broad ; the 
third is, alfo, an oblong mount, but much fmall- 
er. Befides thefe three elevations, there is a 
fmall circular mount, placed nearly in the centre 

of 



OF AMERICA. 99 

of four fmall caves ; and a " femi-circular para- 
pet," which, it is not improbable, may have been 
defigned to guard one of the chafms or open- 
ings ; this parapet has a fmall mount. The au- 
thor obferves, that the three elevations '< confi- 
" derably refemble fome of the eminences which 
" have been difcovered near the river MifTiilip- 
" pi," of which he has given an account in his 
publication. 

The fortifications (for a diftin<5lion h;is been 
made between them and the town, but we can- 
not fee with what great propriety) are nearly of 
the feme form as the town, fhe walls have 
here, alfo openings : and at each of thefe open- 
ings there is one, or more of the fmall circular 
mounts. 

The pyramid is one of the mo<t confpicuous 
parts of thefe fingular remains. It is of a circular 
form ; 50 feet in height, 390 feet in circumfer- 
ence ; and is furrounded with a ditch, 5 feet deep, 
and 15 feet wide: externally to the ditch there 
is a parapet, which is 759 feet in circumference. 
The pyramid, as well as the eminences and 
walls, is now covered with graffes, and other 
kinds of vegetables. Befides thefe, there are fe- 
veral other eminences, of which we do not think 
it neceffary to take any notice, in this place. 

The author's opinion concerning thefe remains 
is this •, that they owe their original to " the 
Toltecas, or fome other Mexican nation," and 
that thefe people were, probably, the defcen- 
dants of the Danes. The firft member of this 
conjetfure appears not improbable, if we confider 
the fimilarity of the Mexican mounts and fortifi- 
cations, defcribed by Torquemada, by the Abbe 

Clavigero 



100 GENERAL HISTORY 

Clavigero, and by other authors, to thole ot 
which our author has publillied an accounr ; and 
alfo, if we confider the tradition of the Mexicans, 
that they came from the north-weft, in which 
tracSt great numbers of thefe remains have been 
difcovered. As to the fecond member of this 
conje6lure, we think it but feebly fupported ; 
ahhough we are not ignorant that Grorius and 
other writers have endeavoured to prove, that 
the northern nations of Europe had, a(5^ually, 
fome intercourfe with America, long before the 
time of Columbus. 



CHAP. XI. 

The Ancients fuppofed to have had fomz itnperfeB 
JSiotion of a New World — Pretenftons of the 
Welfh to the Dif cover y of America — Thofe of the 

Norwegians better founded ProjeBs of 

Christopher Columbus — his Voyage — Af 
tonifhtnent occafiojied by obferving the variation of 
the Compaj^ — his perilous Situation — his Crew 
ready to mutiny — their Joy on defcrying Latid — 
they land on one of the iflands of the Nezv-lVorld 
— the Continent afterwards clijcovered. 



I 



T is believed, by many, that the an- 
Gients had fome imperfe<^ notion of the New- 
World; and ieveral ancient authors are quoted 
in conHrmarion of this opinion. In a book, af^ 
cribed to the philofopher Arillotle, we are told 
that the Carthaginians difcovered an ifland, far 
beyond the pillars of Hercules, large, fertile, and' 

finely 



OF AMERICA. 101 

finely watered, with navigable rivers, but unin- 
habited. This ifland was diftant a few days 
failing from the continent : its beauty induced the 
difcoverers to fettle there ; but the policy of Car^- 
thage diflodged the colony, and laid ftrift prohi- 
bition on all the fubje(5^s of the ftate not to at- 
tempt any future eftablifhment. This account 
is alfo confirmed by an hiftorian of no mean cre- 
dit, who relates, that the Tyrians would have 
fettled a colony on the newly- difcovered ifland, 
but were oppofed by the Carthaginians for flate 
reafons. 

The Welfh, fondly, imagine that their country 
contributed, in 1170, to people the New- World 
by the adventure of Madoc, fon of Owen 
Gvvynedd, who, on the death of his father, failed 
there, and colonized part of the country. It is 
pretended that Madoc made two Voyages : that 
failing weft, he left Iceland fo far to the north, 
that he came to a land unknown, where he faw 
many ftrangc things ; that he fet;irned home, 
and, making a report of the fertility of the new- 
ly-difcovered country, prevailed on numbers of 
the Wellh, of each fex, to accompany him on a 
fecond voyage, from which he never returned. 
The favourers of this opinion aftert, that leveral 
Welfh words, fuch as gwrandoy to hearken, or 
liften j the ifle of Croe/b, or welcome j Cape- 
BrctoHy from the name of the Britilh-Ifland ; 
giuynndwry or ** the white water *," and pingwifiy 
or "the bird with the white head;" are to be 
found in the American language. But likenefs 
of found, in a few words will not be deemed 
fufficient to eftablifh the fa6l ; efpecially if the 
meaning has been evidently perverted : for ex- 
ample. 



102 GENERAL HISTORY 

ample, the whole pinguin tribe have, unfortu- 
nately, not only black heads, but are not Inha- 
bitants of the northern hemifphere ; the name 
was alfo beflowed on them by the Dutch, a 
pinguediney from their excellive fatnefs. It may be 
added that the WeKh were never a naval peo- 
ple •, that the age in which Ma doc lived was pe- 
culiarly ignorant in navigation ; and the moft 
which they could have attempted mud have 
been a mere coa fling voyage. 

The Norwegians put in for a (hare of the 
glory, on grounds rather, better than the 
Welfli. By their fettlcments in Iceland, nnd in, 
Greenland, they had nrrivc-d within ^o fmall a 
diftance of the New- World, that there is a pro- 
bability of its having been touched at by a peo- 
ple fo verfed in maritime affairs, and fo adven- 
turous^ as the ancient Normans were. The 
proofs are much more numeroi?s than thofe pro- 
duced by the Briti(h hiftorians ; for the difcovery 
is mentioned, in feveral of the Icelandic manu- 
fcripts. The period was about the year 1002, 
when it was vifited by one Biorn : and the dif^ 
covery purfued to greater effeifV by Lief, the fon 
Eric, the difcoverer of Greenland. It does not 
appear that they reached farther than Labrador ; 
on which coaft they met with the Efquimaux, 
on whom they bellowed the name of Skrl^inguesy 
or dwarfifh people, from their fmall ftature. 
They were armed with bows and arrows, and 
had leathern canoes, fuch as they liave at pre- 
fent. All this is probable ; nor (hould the tale of 
the German, called Turhily one of the crew, in- 
validate the account. He was one day, miffing ; 
but foon returned, leaping and fmging, with all 

the 



OF AMERICA. 103 

the extravagant marks of joy a bon vivattt could 
{how on difcovering the inebriating fruit of his 
country, the grape : Torfxus even fays, that he 
returned in a ftate of Intoxication. To convince 
his commander, he brought feveral bunches ; 
and the country, from that circumftance, \va9 
named Vinland. There appears no reafon to 
doubt of the dlfcovery \ it is thought proba- 
ble, however, that thefe people reached no far-^ 
ther than the barren country of Labrador. In 
fhort, it is from a. much later period that we 
muft date "the unequivocal difcovery of Ame- 
rica. 

Towards the clofe of the 15th century^ 
Venice and Genoa, being rivals in commerce, 
in which the former had greatly the fuperiority^ 
ChriOopher Colon, or Columbus, a native of 
Genoa, conceived a project of failing to the 
Eaft-Indics, by dire(?ling his courfe weftward, 
I'his defign w-as founded upon a milfake of the 
geographers, of thofe days, who placed the 
eaftern parts of Afia immenleiy too far to the 
caftward ; lb ihr^t had they' been in the right, 
the fhotteil way would have been r<j fail dire^lly 
wctlward. Columbus applied, Hrll to his own 
countrymen ; but being reje(fted by them, he 
applied to Portugd, where he met with no bet- 
ter fuccefs. Spain was his next refource ; here, 
atter eight years attendance, he obtained in 1492, 
a Heet of three iliips. The largeft, a (liip of no 
confiderable burden, was commanded by Colum- 
bus, as admiral, who gave it the name of ^anta 
Maria, out of refpedl: for the B'ed'ed Virgin, 
whom he honoured with fingular devotion. Of 
the fecond called the Pinta, Martin Piuzon was 

captain 



104 GENERAL HISTORY 

captain and his brother Francis Pilot. The 
third, n^tmed the Nigna^ was under the com- 
mancj of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. Thefe two 
were light velfels, hardly fuperior in burden, or, 
force, ro large boats. This fquadron, if it 
merits that name, was vicftualled for 12 months, 
and had on bv>ard 90 men, moftly failors, to- 
gether with a few adventurers, who followed 
the fortune of Columbus, and fome gentlemen 
of ii"abella*s court, whom (he appointed to ac- 
company him. Though the expenfe of the un- 
dertaking was one of the circumftances which 
chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded, 
fo long, the ntgociation with Columbus, the fum 
employed in fitting out this fquadron did not 
exceed 40001. As Columbus was deeply im- 
prefTed with fentiments of religion, he would 
not fet out upon an expedition fo arduous, and 
of which one great objedt was to extend the 
knowledge of the Chriftian faith without implor- 
ing, publicly, the guidance and protection of Hea- 
ven. With this vi^w, he, together with all the per- 
fons under his command, marched, in folemn 
proce/Tion, to the monaftery of Rabida. After 
confefiing their fins, and obtaining abfolution, 
they received the holy facrament from the hands 
of the guardian who joined his prayers to theirs 
for the fuccefs of an enterprife which he had {q 
zealoufly patronized. 

Next morning, being Friday the third day of 
Anguft, in the year 14'92, Columbus fet fail, a 
little before fun-rife, in prefenceof a vaft crowd 
of fpe6tators, who lent up their fuppiications to 
Heaven for the profperous iffue of the voyage, 
which they wiihed rather than expefted. Co- 
lumbus 



•OF AMERICA. 105 

lumbus fleered, direclly for the Canary-Iiland?, 
and arrived there without any occurrence that 
would have deferved notice on any other occali- 
on ; but in a voyage of fuch expe(ftation and im- 
portance, every circumftance was the objtCt of 
attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke 
loofe, the day after (lie left the harbour, and 
that accident alarmed the crew, no lefs fuper- 
ftitious than unlkilful, as a certain omen of the 
unfortunate deftiny of the expedition. Even in 
the (liort run to the Canaries, the (hips were- 
found to be fo crazy and ill appointed, as to 
be very improper for a navigation which was 
expe<51:ed to be both long and dangerous. 
Columbus refitted them, however to the bed 
of his power ; and having fupplied hlmfelf 
with frelh provifions, he took his departure 
from Gomera, one of the moft welteriy of the 
Canary-Iflands, on the fixth day of September. 
Here the voyage of dilcovery may properly be 
fiiid to begin ; for Columbus, holding hiscourfe 
due weft, left immediately, the ufual track of 
navigation, and ftretched into unfrequented and 
unknown fcas. The firfl: day, as it was very 
calm, he made but little way -, but on the fecond 
he led fight of the Canaries ; and many of the 
failors, already dejected and difmayed, when 
they contemplated the boldncfs of the underta- 
king, began to beat their breads, and to (hed 
tears, as if they were never more to behold land. 
Columbus comforted them with afTurance of 
fuccefs, and the profpeft of vail wealth, in thofe 
opulent regions whither he was conducting them. 
He regulated every thing by his fole authority, 

h£- 
K 



}06 GENERAL HISTORY 

he fupcrintended the executing of every order ; 
and, allowing himleU only a few hours for fleep, 
he M'ae at all other times upon deck. As his 
courfe lay through leas which had not, formerly, 
been vifited, the ibunding-line, or inftruments for 
obfervation, were continually in his hands, 
After the example of the Portuguefe difeoverers, 
he attended to the motion of tides and currents, 
watched the flight of birds, the appearance of 
fifties, of fea-weeds, and of every thing that 
floated on the waves, and entered every occur- 
rence, with a minute exa^lnefs, in the journal 
which he kept As the length of the voyage 
could not fail of alarming failors habituated only 
to fliort excursions, Columbus endeavoured to 
conceal from them the real progrefs which they 
made. With this view, though they ran 18 
leagues the fecond day, after they left Gomera 
he gave out that they had advanced only 15, and 
he, uniformly, employed the fame artifice of 
reckoning fliort, during the whole vopge. By 
the 4th of September, the fleet was above 200 
leagues to the weft of the Canary-Ifles. There 
they were ftruck with an appearance, no lefs 
aftoniftiing than new. They oblervcd that the 
magnetic needle, in their compaftTes, did not point 
exa<5lly to the polar ft^ar, but varied towards the 
weft *, and as they proceeded, this variation io- 
creafed. This appearance, which is now familiar, 
though it ftill remains one of the myfteries of 
nature, into the caufe of which the fagacity of 
man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the 
companions of Columbus with terror. They 
were now in a boundlefs unknown, ocean, far 
f^om the ufual courfe of navigation ; nature iticlf 

fecmcd 



OF AMERICA. lO? 

feemed to be altered, and the ooly guide which 
they had left was about to fail them. Colum- 
bus, with no lefs quickoefs than ingenuity, in- 
vented a reafon for this appearance, which, 
though it did not fatisfy himfelf, feemed fo pJaii- 
fible to them, that it difpelled their fears, or 
filenced their murmurs. 

He flill continued to fteer due weft, nearly in 
the fame latitude with the Canary-lflands. In 
this courfe, he came within the fphere of the 
trade-wind, which blows, invariably, from eafl 
to weft, between the tropics, and a few degrees 
beyond them. He advanced before this fteady 
gale with fuch uniform rapidity, that it was fel- 
dora neceffary to (hift a fail. When about 400 
leagues to the weft of the Canaries, he found the 
fea fo covered with weeds, that it referabled a 
meadow of vaft extent ; and in fome places they 
were fo thick, as to retard the motion of the vet 
fels. This ft range appearance occafioned new 
alarm and difquiet. The failors imagined that 
they were now arrived at the utmoft boundary 
of the navigable ocean : thatthefe floating weeds 
would obftrudt their farther progrefs, and conceal- 
ed dangerous rocks, or fome large traft of land, 
which had funk, they knew not how,in that place. 
Columbus endeavoured to perfuade them, that 
what had alarmed, ought rather to have encou- 
raged them, and was to be confidered as a fign 
of approaching land. At the fame time, a brifk 
gal€ arofe, and carried them forward. Several 
birds were feen hovering about the (hip, and di- 
redted their flight towards the weft. The def- 
ponding crew refumed fome degree of fpirit, and 
began to entertain fre(h hopes. 

Upon 



108 GENERAL HISTORY 

Upon the firft of 0(5lobcr they were, accord- 
iog to the admirars reckoning, 770 leagues to 
the weft of the Canaries; but, left his men fnouM 
be intimidated by the prodigious length of the 
navigaiion, he gave out that they had proceeded 
only 584 leagues ; and, fortunately for Colum- 
bus, neither his own pilot, nor thofe of the other 
•ftiips, had fkill fijfficient to correfl this error, 
and to difcover the deceit. They had, now, 
been above three weeks at fea ; they had pro- 
ceeded far beyond what former navigators had 
attempted, or deemed poflible : all their progno- 
ftics of difcovery, drawn from the flights of 
birds, and other circumftances, had proved fal- 
lacious i the appearance of land, M'ith which their 
own credulity, or the artifice of their command- 
er, had, from time to time, flattered and amufed 
them, had been altogether illufive, and their 
profpedl of fuccefs feemed now to be as diftant 
as ever. Thefe refle(n:ions occurred often to men, 
who had no other obje(5l, or occupation, than to 
reafon and to difcourfe concerning the intention 
and circumftances of their expedition. They 
made impreflion, at firft, upon the ignorant and 
timid, and extending, by degrees, to fuch as were 
better informed, or more refolute, the contagion 
fpread, at length, from ftiip to ftiip. From fecret 
"whifpers and murmurings, they preceeded to 
open cabals and public complaints. They taxed 
their fovereign with inconfiderate credulity, in 
paying fuch regard to the vain promifcs and rafti 
conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard 
the lives of fo many of her own fubje(fbs, in pro- 
fecuting a chimerical fcheme. They aflirmed that 
ihry had fully performed their duty, by ventur- 

inc! 



OF AMERICA. I0& 

ifig fo far in an unknown and hopelefs courfe, 
and could incur no blame, for lefufing to follow, 
any longer, a defperate adventurer to certain 
dchruflion. They contended, that it was necef- 
fary to think of returning to Spain, while their 
crazy vefTcls were iVill in a condition to keep the 
fea, but expreflfed their fears that the attempt 
would prove vain, as the wind, which had hither- 
to been fo favourable to their courfe, muft ren- 



der it impofiible to fail in the oppofite dire6i:ion. 
All agreed that Columbus fhould be compelled 
by force to adopt a meafure on which their com- 
mon fafety depended. Some of the more auda- 
cious propofed, as the moi\ expeditious and cer- 
tain method for getting rid, at once, of his re- 
monftrances, to throw him into the fea j being 
perfuaded that, upon their return to Spain, the 
death of an unfuccelsful proje(fl:or would excite 
little concern, and be inquired into with no cu- 
riofity. 

Columbus was fully fenfible of his perilous 
fituarion. He had obferved, with great uneafi- 
nefs, the fatal operation of ignorance, and of 
fear, in producing difaffe<fi:ion among his crew •, 
and faw that it was now ready to burfl: out into 
open mutiny. He retained, however, perfeft 
prefence of mind. He afFefled to feem ignorant 
of their machinations. Not with (landing the agi- 
tation and folicitude of his own mind, he appe?.r- 
<id with a cheerful countenance ; like a man fatis- 
fied with the progrefs which he had made, and 
confident of fuccefs. Sometimes he employed all 
the arts of infinuation to foothe his men. Some- 
times he endeavoured to work up^n their ambi- 
tion, or avarice, by magnificent deftriptions of 
K 2 the 



110 GENERAL HISTORY 

the fame and wealth which they were about to 
acquire. On other occafions, he afTumed a tone 
of authority, and threatened them with vengeance 
from their fovereign, if, by their daftardly be- 
haviour, they (hould defeat this noble eifort to 
promote the glory of God, and exalt the Spanifh 
name, above that of every other nation. Even 
with feditious failors, the words of a man, whom 
they had been accuftomed to reverence, were 
weighty and perfuafivei and not only reHrained 
them from thofe violent excefles which they me- 
ditated, but prevailed with them to accompany 
their admiral for fome time longer. 

As they proceeded, the indications of ap- 
proaching land Teemed to be more certain, and 
excited hope in proportion. The birds began 
to appear in flocks making towards the fouth- 
we(L Columbus in imitation of the Portuguefe 
navigators, who had been guided in feveral of 
their difcoveries by the motion of birds, altered 
his courfe from due weft towards that quarter 
whither they pointed their flight. But after hold- 
ing on for feveral days in this new dire(5iion with- 
out any better fuccefs than formerly, having feea 
no objeO for 30 days but the fea and the (ky, the 
hopes of his companions fubfided fafter than they 
had rifen ; their fears revived with additional 
force ; impatience, rage, and defpair, appeared 
in every countenance. All ienfe of fubordina- 
tiofl was loft. The oflicers, who had hitherto 
C9»curred with Columbus in opinion, and fuppor- 
ted his authority, now took part with the pri- 
vate men : they aflx;mbled tumukuoufly, on the 
deck, expoftulated with their commander, ming- 
led threats with their expoftulations, and requir- 
ed 



OF AMERICA. 112 

ed him inftantly to tack about, and to return to 
Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be of 
no avail to have recourfe to any of his former 
arts, which having been tried fo often had loft 
their efFeft ; and that it was impodible to rekin- 
dle any zeal for the fuccefs of the expedition 
among men in whofe breads fear had extinguifh- 
ed every generous fentiment. He law that it was 
no lefs vain to think of employing either gentle 
or levere meafures, to quell a mutiny (6 general 
and fo violent. It was neceflfary on all thefe ac- 
counts, to foothe paffions which he could no lon- 
ger command, and to give way to a torrent too 
impetuous to be checked. He promifed, folemn- 
ly, to his men, that he would comply with their 
requeft, provided they would accompany him, 
and obey his commands for three days longer; 
and if, during that time, lanH were not difcovcr- 
ed, he would then abandon the enterprife and di- 
rect his conrfc towards Spain. 

Enraged as the failors were, am:l impatient to 
turn their faces again towards their native coun- 
try, this propofition did not appear to them un- 
reafonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in 
confining himfelf to a term fo (hort. The pre- 
fages of difcovering land were now fo numerous 
and promiiing, that he deemed them infallible. 
For fome days, the founding line had reached 
the bottom, and the foil which it brought up in- 
dicated land to be at no great diOance. The 
flocks of birds increafed ; and were compofed 
not only of fea-fowl, but of fuch land-birds as 
could not be fuppofed to fly far from the rhore» 
The crew of the Pinta obferved a cane floating 
which feemed to be newly cut, and likewife a 

piece 



112 GENERAL HISTORY 

piece of timber artificially carved. The failors 
aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree, 
with red berritrs, perfectly frefh. The clouds 
around the letting fun afUi ued a new appear- 
ance •, the air was more mild and warm ; and, 
during night, the M'ind became unequal and va- 
riable. From all theie fymptoms, Columbus was 
fo confident of being near land, that, on the 
evening of the 11th of Offober, after public 
prayers for fuccefs, he ordered the fails to be 
furled, and the (hips to lie by, keeping Arick 
watch, left they Ihould be driven afhore in the 
night. During this interval of fufpenfe and ex- 
peflation, no man fnut his eyes, all kept upon 
deck, gazing intently towards that quarter where 
they expected to difcover the land which had 
been fo long the object of their widies. 

About two hours before midnight, Columbus 
ftanding on the forecalfle, obferved a light at a 
diftance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro 
Guttiercz, a page of the queen's wardrobe Gut- 
tierez perceived it ; and calling to Salcedo, comp- 
troller of the fleet, all three law it in motion, as 
if it v/ere carried from place to place. A little 
after midnight, the joyful found of LaJid ! land! 
was heard from the Pinta, which kept always 
a-head of the other fliips. But having been io 
often deceived by fallacious appearances, every 
man was now become ilow of belief j and wait- 
ed, in all the angaifh of uncertainty and impa- 
tience, for the return of day. As foon as morn- 
ing dawned, all doubts and tears were difpelled. 
From each ftiip an iiland was feen about two 
leagues to the nonh, whole flat and verdant fields, 
well Aorcd with wood, and watered with many 

rivulets. 



OF AMERICA. 113 

rivulctcj prefented the afpedl of a delightful coun- 
try. The crew of the Pinta inftantly began the 
Te Deum^ ns a hymn of thanksgiving: to God ; 
and were joined by thole of the other fhips, with 
tears of joy and tranfports of congratulation. 
This office of gratitude to heaven was followed 
by an aft of juflice to their commander. They 
threw themfclves at the feet of Columbus, with 
feelings of felf-condemnation mingled with re- 
verence. They implored him to pardon their ig- 
norance, incredulity, and infolence, which had 
created him fo much unnecefTary difquiet, and 
had io often obf\ru£led the profecution of his 
well-concerted plan •, and pafling, in the warmth 
of their admiration, from one extreme to another, 
they now pronounced the man whom they had 
fo lately reviled, and threatened, to be a perfon 
infpired by heaven, with fagacity and fortune 
more than human, in order to accomplifh a de- 
fign fo far beyond the ideas and conception of all 
former ages. 

As foon as the fun arofe, all their boats were 
manned and armed. They rowed towards the 
ifland with their colours difplayed, with warlike 
niuGc, and other martial pomp. As they ap- 
proached the coaft, they faw it covered with a 
multitude of people, whom the novelty of the 
fpe6lacle had drawn together, whofe attitudes 
and geftures exprefled wonder and aftonifliment, 
at the (Grange objedls which prefented themfelves 
to their view. Columbus was the hrft European 
who fet foot in the New-World, which he had 
difcovered. He landed in a rich drefs, and with 
a naked fword in his hand. His men followed ; 
and; kaceled down, they all kilTed the ground 

which 



114 GENERAL HISTORY 

-which they had fo long defired to fee. They, 
next, erefVed a crucifix ; and, proH rating them- 
feives before it, returned thanks to God for con- 
du(5ling their voyage to fuch an happy ifTue. 

The above was one of the Bahama-Iflands ', 
to which he gave the name of San SaIi>adory and 
took pofTeffion of it in the name of their Catholic 
majefties. In this firft voyage he difcovered fc- 
veral other of the Lucayo, or Baharaa-Iflands, 
with thofe of Cuba and Hifpaniola. The natives 
confidered the Spaniards as divinities, and the 
difcharge of the artillery as their thunder ; they 
tell proftrate at the found. The women, how- 
ever, offered their favours, and courted the ena- 
faraces of their new guefts as men. Their huf- 
bands were not jealous of them j and in the arraa 
cf th(>fe wantons the companions of Columbus 
are laid, by fome authors, to have caught that 
malady which dire<f^s its poifon to the fprings of 
2ife. In a fecond voyage, many new iflaads 
\v£Te difcovered. In a third, he attained the 
gf€at obje<5\ of his ambition, by difcovering the 
■continent of America, near the month di the ri- 
ver Oronoko, on the firft day of Auguft 1498. 
His fuccefs produced a crowd of adventurers, 
who, led by an infatiable defire of riches, fpread 
themielves over many of the Weft India Iflands, 
and by unreftrainej licentioufnefs, and the moft 
attrocious a(fls of barbarity, fpeedily depopula- 
ted thofe fertile abodes of peace and innocence, 
which at their firft diicovery fupported many mil- 
lions of inhabitants. 

Among thefe adventurers, the names of Cor- 
tez and Pizarro, with many others will be tranf- 
mitted with execration to pofterity, ahhough ac- 
companied 



OF AMERICA. il5 

companied with the aftonifhing events of the 
conquefts of Mexico aud Peruj events, which 
even in this brief Ikecch merit particular notice. 



CHAP. XIL 

^he Dtfcovery and Conquejl of MexicQ, 

Mexico itfelf was firft dlfcovercd, 
though impefe(ftly, by a Spaniard named AV 
ne7> de Balboa ; but in 1518, the conquefl of it 
was undertaken by a celebrated adventurer nam- 
ed Ferdinando Cortes, It was not, however, 
without great difficulty that he got his expedition 
fet on foot *, being perfecuted by the Spanifli go- 
vernors in the Weft-Indies, fo that he was at 
laft obliged to throw off his allegiance to them, 
and proceed without any commiffion. How- 
e^rer, on the 10th of February, 1519, he fet 
fiiil from the Havannah in Cuba ; and fbon iand-* 
ed on the ifland of Cozomel, on the coaft ol Yu- 
catan, flifcovered the preceding year. Here he 
joined one of his officers, named Pedro d'Alva- 
redoy who had arrived fome days before, and 
collefted fome booty, and taken a few prifoners. 
But the general feverely cenfured his condu(5b; 
and the prifoners were difmiflTcd after they had 
been informed by an Indian interpreter named 
Melchior, that fuch injuries were entirely difa- 

greeable 



116 GENERAL HISTORY 

greeable to the intentions and wilhes of Cortes. 
Here he mnllered his arm}', and found that it 
amounted to .'>08 Ibldiers, 16 horfemen, and 109 
naechanics, pilot?, and mariners. Ha\ ing en- 
couraged his men by a proper fpeech, nnd rcleaf- 
ed, by means of (ome Indian amb.-fTadorp, a 
Spaniard named Jerom de AguUar^ who had been 
detained a prifoner for eight years, he proceeded 
to ihe river Tabafco, where he hoped ro be re- 
ceived in a friendly manner, as one Grijaha had 
been a fhort time before ; but from U)me un- 
known caufe, he was violently attacked by 
them: however, the fuperiority of the Spanirfi 
arms foon decided the victory, and the inhabi- 
tants were obliged to own the king of Cafliie as 
their fovercign. 

The Spaniards then continued their courfe 
welhvard, to the harbour of St/ Juan deUlluaj 
where they were met by two Mexican canoes, 
who carried two ambalTadors from the emperor 
of that country, and (bowed the greateil figns of 
peace and amity. Their language was unknown 
to Aguilar •, but one of the female priloners a- 
bove mentioned underftocd it, and tranflated it 
into the Yucatan tongue; after which Aguilar 
interpreted the me.ining in Spanidi. This flave 
was afterwards named Donna Marina^ and prov- 
ed veiy ufeful in their conferences with the na- 
tives. 

At this time the Mexican empire, according 
to Dr. Robertfon, was arrived at a pitch of gran- 
deur to which no fociety had ever attained in {o 
fhort a period. Though it had fubfilkd only 
for 130 years, its dominion extended frurr> the 
north to the fouth fea i over territories ftretching 

about 



OF AMERICA. 117 

about 500 leagues from eaft to wefl:, and more 
than 200 from north to Ibuth ; comprehending 
provinces not inferior in fertility, population, and 
opulence, to any in the torrid zone — Though 
by nature Montezuma polFe/Ted a good deal of 
courage and refolution ; yet from the fir ft mo- 
ment that the Spaniar-ls appeared on his coaft, 
he difcovered fymptoms of timidity and embar- 
railment, and all his Aibjcfts were embarrafTed 
as well as himfelf. Tht genera! diimay which 
took place on this occalion was partly owing to 
the ftrange figure the Spaniards made, and the 
prodigious pov'er of ':heir arms ; bat partly alfo 
to the following circumftance. An opinion pre- 
vailed almoft univerfally among the Americans, 
that fome dreadful calamity impended over their 
heads, from a race of formidable invaders who 
/hould come from regions towards the rifmg 
fun, to over-run and deiblate their country. As 
the Mexicans were more prone to lupcrfti- 
tion than any people in the new world, they 
were more deeply affected with the appearance 
of the Spaniards, whom they inftantly fuppofed 
to be the inftruments deAined to bring about that 
fatal revolution which they dreaded ; lind this 
produced the embaffy above mentioned. 

By means of his two interpreters. Donna Ma- 
rina and Aguilar, Cortes learned that the chiefs 
of the Mexican embafTy were deputies from Pil- 
patoc and Teutile ; the one governor i;f a pro- 
vince under the emperor, and the other the com- 
mander of all his forces in that province: the 
purport of their embafTy was, to inquire what 
his intentions were in vifiting their coafts, and 
L to 



118 GENERAL HISTORY 

to offer him what alTiftance he might need in or- 
der to continue his voyage. Cortes, in his turn, 
alfo profefTed the greateft friend (liip ; and in- 
formed the ambafTadors, that he came to propofe 
matters of the utmoft confequence to the welfare 
of the prince and his kingdom ; which he would 
more fully unfold m peribn to the governor and 
the general. Next morning, without waiting 
for any anfwer, he landed his troops, his horfes, 
and his artillery j began to ere6l huts for his 
men, and to fortify his camp. — The natives in- 
ftead of oppofing the entrance of ihefe fatal 
guefts into their country, affifted them in all 
their operations with an alacrity which they had 
ere long reafon to repent. 

The next day the ambafTadors had a formal 
audience ; at which Cortes acquajinied them, that 
he came from Don Carlos of Auftria, king of 
Caflile, the greateft monarch of the eafl, and 
was entruflcd with propofitions of fuch moment, 
that he would impart them to none but the em- 
peror himfelf, and therefore required to be con- 
du(SVed immediately to the capital. This demand 
produced the greatefl uneafinels ; and the am- 
bafladors did all in their power to difTuade Cor- 
tes from his defign, endeavouring to conciliate 
his good-will by the prefents fent him by Mon- 
tezuma. Thefe they introduced with great parade 
and confifted of fine cotton-cloth, of plumes of 
various colours, and of ornaments of gold and 
filver to a confiderable value, the workmanfhip 
of which appeared to be as curious as the mate- 
rials were rich. But thefe prefents ferved only 
to excite the avidity of the Spaniards, and to in- 

creafc 



OF AMERICA. 119 

creafe their defire for becoming mafters of a coun- 
try which abounded with fo many precious com- 
modities. Cortes indeed could fcarcely reftrain 
himfeltfofar as to hear the arguments made ufe 
of by the ambafTadors to diifuade him from going 
to the capital ; and, in a haughty, determined 
tone, infifted on his former demand of being ad- 
mitted to a perfonal interview with their ibve- 
reign. 

During this converfation, fome painters in the 
retinue of the Mexican chiefs, had been diligently 
employed in delineating, upon white cotton 
clothes, figures of the (liips, horfes, artillery, 
foldiers, and whatever elle attracfted their eyes as 
fingular. When Cortes obferved this, and was 
informed that thel'e piflures were to be fent to 
Montezuma, he refolved to render the reprefen- 
tation ftiil more ffriking and inrerefting. The 
trumpets, by his orders, founded an alarm ; the 
troops formed in order of battle, and (howed their 
agility and llrength in the befl: manner they could; 
while the artillery was pointed againft the neigh- 
bouring trees, among which it made dreadful 
havock. The Indians for fome time looked on 
with lilent aftonifhment ; but at the explofion of 
the cannon, fome fled, others fell to the ground, 
and all were fo confounded, that Cones found 
it difficult to quiet and compofe their minds. 

When the painters had exerted their utmoft ef' 
forts in reprefenting all thele wonderful things, 
meffengers were immediately defpatched to Mon- 
tezuma with the pidtures, and a full account of 
every thing that had pafled fmce the arrival of 
the Spaniards, together with fome European cu- 
riofiries to Montezuma ; which, though of no 

great 



120 GENERAL HISTORY 

great value, Cortes believed would be acceptable 
on account of their novelty. The Mexican mo- 
narchs, in order to obtain the earlieft informa- 
tion of every occurrence in all parts of their em- 
pire, had couriers pofttd at proper lla tions along 
the principal roads ; and as thefe were trained 
to agility by a regular education, they conveyed 
intelligence v/ith furprifing rapidity. Though 
the city in Vv^hich Montezuma refided was above 
ISO miles from St. Juan de UUua, Cortes' pre- 
ients were carried thither, and an anfwer return- 
ed to his demands, in a few days. As the an- 
<\ver was unfavourable, Montezuma had endea- 
voured to moUify the Spaniih general by the 
richneis of his prefents. Thefe confifted of the 
mrinufa<5f ures of the country ; cotton-ftufFs Co 
fine, and of fuch delicate texture, as to refemble 
ij!k ; pl^hires of animals, trees, and other natu- 
ral obje6ls, formed with feathers of different co- 
lours, difpofed and mingled with fuch (kill and 
elegance as to rival the works of the pencil in 
truth and beauty of imitation. But what chiefly 
attracted their attention, were two large plates 
of a circular form ; one of maffive gold repre- 
fenting the fun, the other of fdver reprefenting 
the moon. Thefe were accompanied with brace- 
lets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold ; 
and that nothing might be wanting which could 
give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the 
country afforded, fome boxes filled with pearls, 
precious ftones, and grains of gold unwrought, 
as they had been found in the mines or rivers. 
Were fent along with the reft. Cortes received all 
with an appearance of the moft profound relpeft 
for Montezuma i but when the Mexicans, pre- 

fuming 



OF AMERICA. 121 

funaing upon this, informed him, that their mai- 
ter, though he defired him to accept of what he 
Jiad ftint as a token of his regard for the prince 
whom he reprcfented, would not give his con- 
fent that foreign troops fhould approach nearer 
to his capital, or even allow them to continue 
ionger in hh dominions, Cortes declared, in a 
manner more reiblute aid peremptory than for- 
merly, that he mud infift on his firft demand ; 
as he could not, without difhonour, return to 
his own fovereign until he was admitted into the 
prelence of the prince whom he was appointed 
to vifit in his name. The Mexicans were alto- 
n'lihed at the fight of a man who dared to oppofe 
the will of their emperor ; but not being wifling 
to come to an open rupture with fuch formidable 
enemies, with much ado they prevailed upon 
Cortes to promife that he wjuld not move from 
his preient camp until the return of a meffenger 
whom they fent to Montezuma for further in- 
flrucftioiiK. 

The pufiUanimity of the Indian monarch af- 
forded time to the Spaniards to t.d;e meafures 
which would have beeu out of their power had 
they been vigoroufly attacked on their firfl refu- 
fal to obey his orders. Cortes ufed every me- 
thod of fecufing the affe(n:ions of the foldiers ; 
which indeed was very neceflary, as many of 
them began to exclaim againft the ralhnefs of his 
attempt in leading them againlt the whole force 
of rhe Mexican empire. In a Oiort time Tcutile 
arrived with another prefent from Montezuma, 
anJ together with it delivered the ultimate orders 
ot that monarch to depart inttantly out of his 
dominions j and when Cortes, icllead of cora- 
ls 2 plying 



J22 GENERAL HISTORY 

plying with his demands, renewed his requeft, 
of audience, the Mexican immediately left the 
camp with ftrong marks of furprife and refent- 
ment. Next morning, none of the natives ap- 
peared •, all friendly correfpondencefeemed to be 
at an end, and hoftilities were expelled lo com- 
mence every moment. A fudden conilernation 
enfced among the Spaniards, and a party was 
formed agair.ft him by the adherents of Velaf- 
ques ; who took advantage of the occafion, and 
deputed one of their number, a principal officer, 
to remonftrate, as if in name of the whole army, 
againll his rafhnefs, and to urge the neceffity of 
his returning to Cuba. Cortes received themef- 
fage without any appearance of emotion ; and as 
he well knew the temper and wifhes of his fol- 
diery, and forefaw how they would receive a 
propofition fo fatal to all the fplendid hopes and 
ichcrfes which they had been forming with fuch 
complacency, he pretended to comply with the 
requeft now made him, rind iflTued orders that 
the army fhould be in reading's next day to em- 
bark for Cuba. Upon hearing this, the troops, 
as Cortes had expected, were quite outrageous : 
they poCltively refufed to comply with thefe or- 
ders, and threatened immediately to choofe ano- 
ther general if Cortes continued to infiA on their 
departure. 

Our adventurer was highly pleafed with the 
difpofition which now appeared among his 
troops: neverthelefs, difTembling his fentiments, 
he declared, that his orders for embarking had 
proceeded from a perfuafion that it was agreea- 
ble to his fellow-foldiers, to whofc opinion he had 
facrificed his own *, but now he acknowledged 

his 



OF AMERICA. 123 

his error, and was ready to refume his original 
plan of operation. This fpeech was highly ap- 
plauded ; and Cortes, without allowing his mea 
time to cool, fet about carrying his deligns into 
execution. In order to give a beginning to a co- 
lony, he afTerabled the principal perfons in his 
army, and by their fuffrages elesfled a council 
and magifirates, in whom the government was 
to be veiled. The perfons chofen were mod 
firmly attached to Cortes ; and the new fettle- 
ment had the name of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz : 
that is, the rich town of the true crofs. 

Before this court of his own making, Cortes 
did not hefitate at refigning all his authority, and 
was immediately re-ele6fed chief-juftice of the 
colony, and captain-general of his army, with 
an ample commiflion, in the king's name, to con- 
tinue in force till the royal pleafure fhould be 
farther known. The foldiers eagerly ratified 
their choice by loud acclamations : and Cortes, 
now confidering himfelf as no longer accounta- 
ble to any fubjeiSt, began to afTume a much great- 
er degree of dignity, and to exercife more ex- 
tenfive powers than he had done before. Some 
of the foldiers began to exclaim againfl: the pro- 
ceedings of the council as illegal ; but the ring- 
leaders -were inllantiy fent on board the fleet 
loaded with irons. By this timely feverity the 
reft were overawed ; and Cortes, knowing of 
how great importance unanimity was to his fu- 
ture faccefs, foon found means to reconcile thofe 
who were mod difiifFe^f ed : to which purpofe a 
liberal diftribution of the Mex'.c.m gold, both 
among friends and foes, contributed not a little. 

Cortes having thus ftrengthened himfelf as 

well 



12'i GENERAL HISTORY 

well as he could, ref:)lvcd to advance into the 
country j and to this he was encouraged by the 
behaviuur of the cacique or petty prince of Zem- 
poalla, a confiderable town at r^o great dillance. 
This prince, though fubjecl to Montezuma, was 
exceedingly impatient of the yoke ; and fo filled 
with dread and hatred of the emperor, that no- 
thing could be more acceptable to him than an 
appearance of being delivered from that fubjec- 
tion ; and a deliverance of this kind he now 
hoped from the Spaniards". For this reafon, he 
lent ambafladors to Cortes, with olfers of friend- 
fhip, which were gladly accepted by him ; and 
in confequence of the alliance, he very Iboa vi- 
fited Zempoalla. Here he was received in the 
moft friendly manner imaginable, and had a 
refpe(fl: paid towards him almofl equivalent to 
adoration. The cacique informed him of many 
particulars relating to the character ot Montezu- 
ma. — He told him that he was a tyrant, haughty, 
cruel, and lufpicious ; who treated his owa/fub- 
je£fs with arrogance, ruined the conquered pro- 
vinces by his extortio'is, and often tore their 
fons and daughters from them by violence ; the 
former to be offered as viftims to his gods, the 
latter to be reftrved as concubiaes for himielf 
and favourites. Corses, in reply, artfuhy inlin- 
uated, that one great objcfdt of the Spaniards in 
vifitmg a country fo rem:>te from their own was, 
to redreis grievances, and to relieve tne oppreff- 
ed y and having encouraged him to hope for this 
intcrpofition in due time, continued his march to 
Qu'iabiilan, the territory of another cacique, and 
■where, by the friendly aid of the Lidlans, a 
Spaiuih colony was loon formed. 

Durin^r 



OF AMERICA. 126 

Diiriog the refidence of Cortes in thefe parts, 
he fo far wrought on the minds of the caciques 
of Zernpoalla and Q^iabiflan, that they ventur- 
ed to infuk the Mtxicaa power, at ibe very 
name of which th-ey had been formerly accuftom- 
ed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers 
having appeared to levy the ufual tribute, and to 
demand a certain number of h-uman visftims, as 
an expiation of rheir guiit in prcfum'ing to hold 
initercourfe with thofe iVrangers wham the em- 
peror had commanded to leave Ji is dc^mi-nions ; 
indead of obeying his orders, they made thejn 
priloners, treat-ed them with great indignity, and, 
as their fuperllition was no lefs barbarous than 
Monteznma'j;, they threated to facrihce ih^fn to 
their gods. From this laft danger, however, 
they were delivered by the interpo.ruipn of Cor- 
tes, who manifefled the mmofl: horror at the 
mention of fuch a deed. This a6l of xebeliion 
firmly attached the two caciqne:S to the interefl: 
oi' Cortes ; and v/iihou't hefitation tlhey acknow- 
ledged themfcives vafHds of the king of Spain. 
Their exarrple was followed by the 'ratoniques, 
a fierce people who inhabited the tnoantaino-us 
p^irts of the country. They willingly fubje^fied 
themfelves to the crown of Caftiie; and oifered 
to accompany Cortes v/ith all their forces in his 
march towards Mexico. 

Though Cortes had now taken fuch meafures 
as in a manner enfured his fuccefs *, yet as he 
had thrown off all dependence on the governor 
of Cuba, who was his lawful fuperior, and ap- 
prehended his intereft at court, he thoughtpro- 
per, before he fct out on his intended expedition, 
to take the moll efFe<5fual meafures againft the 

impending 



126 GENERAL HISTORY 

impending danger. With this view, he perfuad- 
ed the magi ft rates of his colony to addrefs a let- 
ter to the king, containing a pompous account 
of their own fervices, of the country they had 
difcovered, &c. and of the motives which had 
induced them to throw off their allegiance to the 
governor of Cuba, and to fettle a. colony depen- 
dent on the crown alone, in which the fupreme 
posver civil as well as military had been vefled 
in Cortes: humbly lequelling their fovereign to 
ratify what had been done, by his royal authori- 
ty. Cortes himfelf wrote in a fimilar flrain ; 
but as he knew that the Spanifti court, accuftom- 
ed to the repeated exaggerations of American 
adventurers, would give little credit to the fplen- 
did accounts of New-Spain, if they were not ac- 
companied with fuch a fpeciraen of what it con- 
tained as would excite an high idea of irs opu- 
lence, he folicited his folJiers to relincjuifli what 
they might claim as their part of the trcafures 
which had hitherto been colle6fed, in order that 
the whole might be fent to the king. Portocar- 
rero and Montejo, the chief magi (hates of the 
colony, were appointed to carry this prefent to 
Cafljle, with exprefs orders not to touch at Cu- 
ba in their pafTage thither. But while a vefTcl 
was preparing for their departure, an ucexpe5led 
event produced a general alarm. Some foldiers 
and failors, fecretly difaffefted to Cortes, form- 
ed a defign of feizingone of the brigantines, and 
making their efcape to Cuba, in order to give 
fuch intelligence to the governor as might enable 
him to intercept the veffcl which was to cnrry 
the treafure and the difpatches to Spain. This 
confpiracy was condu^Tted with profound fecre- 

cy;, 



OF AMERICA. 127 

cy ; but at the moment when* every thing was 
ready for execution, the fecret was difcovered 
by one of the affociates. The latent fpirit of 
difafFe(ftion which Cortes was now too well con- 
vinced had not been extinguiflied amongft his 
troops, gave him very great uneafinefs. The on- 
ly method which he could think of to prevent 
fuch confpiracies for the future was, to dellroy 
his fleet; and thus deprive his foidiers of every 
refource except that of conqueft : and with this 
propofai he perfuaded his men to comply. With 
univerfal confent therefore the {hips were drawn 
afliore, and, after being ftripped of their fails, 
rigging, iron-work, and whatever elfe might be 
of ufe, they were broke in pieces. 

Cortes having thus rendered it necefTary for 
his troops to follow wherever he chofe to lead, 
began his march to Zempoalla with 500 infan- 
try, 15 horfe, and fix field-pieces. The reft of 
his troops, confifting chiefly of fuch as from age 
or infirmity were lefs fit for a(flive fervice., he 
left as a garrifon in Villa Rica, under the com- 
mand of Efcalante, an oflicer of merit, and 
warmly attached to his intereft. The cac-que of 
Zempoalla fupplied him with pic ifions ; and 
with 200 of thoie Indians called Tamamesy whofe 
ofl^ice, in a country where tame animals were un- 
known, was to carry burdens and perform all 
manner of fervile labour. He offered like wife a 
confiderable body of troops ; but Cortes was fa- 
tisfied with 400 ; taking care, however, tochoofe 
perfons of fuch note, that they might ferve as 
hoftages for the fidelity of their mailer. 

Nothing memorable happened till the Span- 
iards arrived on the confines of the republic of 

Tlafcalr. 



12^ GENERAL HISTORY 

Tlafcak. The inhabitants of that province were 
warlike, fierce, and revengeful, and had made 
ccnii^erable progrefs in agriculture and fome 
other arts. They were implacable enemies to 
Montezuma ', and therefore Cortes hoped that it 
would be an eafy . matter for him to procure their 
friendOiip. With this view, four Zem-poallans 
of high rank v/ere Tc-nr iimbaffadors to Tiafcala, 
dreired with all the badges of that office ufual 
among the Indians- The fenate were divided in' 
their opinions with regard to the propofals of 
Cortes : but at laft Magifcatzin, one of the oldeft 
fenaiors, ard a ptribn of great authority, men- 
tioned the tradition of their anceftors, and the 
revelations of their priefls ; that a race of invin- 
cible men, of divine origin, who had power over 
the elements, ihouldcome from the eaft to fub- 
due their country. He compared the refemblance 
which the Grangers bore to the perfons figured 
in the tradition of Mexico, their dominion over 
the elements of fire, air, and water; he remind- 
ed the fenate of their prodigies, omens, and fig- 
nals, which had lately terrified the Mexicans, 
and indicated fome very important event ; and 
then declared his opinion, that it would be rafh- 
nefs to oppofe a force apparently afliiled by hea- 
ven, and XDcn who had already proved, to the 
fad experiL-nce of thole who oppofed them, that 
they were invincible. This orator was oppofed 
by Xicotencai, who endeavoured to prove that 
the Spaniards were at beft but powerful magi- 
cians : that they had rendered themfelves obnox- 
ious to tb.e gods by pulling down their imiiges 
and altars, (which indeed Cortes had very im- 
prudently done at Zempoalla/, and of confe- 

quence, 



OF AMERICA, l'2y . 

quence, that they might eafily be overcome, as 
the gods would not fail to refent fuch an outrage, 
be therefore voted for war, and advifed the 
crufhing of thefe invaders at one blow. 

The advice of Xicotencal prevailed ; and in 
confequence of it, the ambafTadors were detain- 
ed 5 which giving Cortes the alarm, he drew 
nearer the city of Tlafcala. In this tranfadtion 
we may eafily fee how little the Tlaicalans, not- 
withftanding all their ferocity, were fkilled in 
military affairs. They fufFered Cortes, with his 
army drawn up in good order, to pafs a ftrong 
wall between two mountains, which might have 
been very advantageoufly defended againit him. 
He had not advanced far beyond this pais, how- 
ever, before a party of Tlal'calans with piumes 
were difcovered, which denoted that an army 
was in the field. Thefe he drove before him by 
a detachment of fix horfe, obliged them to join 
another party, and then reinforcing the advan- 
ced detachment, charged the enemy with luch 
vigour that they began to retire. Fivethoufand 
Tlafcalans, whom Xicotencal had placed in am- 
bufh, then rufiied out of their hiding places, jufl 
as the infantry came up to afiift their (lender bo- 
dy of cavalry. The enemy attacked with the 
utmoft fury ; but were fo much difconcerted by 
the firft difcharge of the fire-?rms, that they re- 
treated in confufion, furniftiing the Spaniards 
with an opportunity of purfuing them with great 
flaughter. Cortes, however, fuppofing that this 
could not be their whole force, advanced with 
the utmoft caution, in order of battle, to an emi- 
nence, from whence he had a view of the main 
body of the Tlafcalan army commanded by Xico- 
M teocal^ 



130 GENERAL HISTORY 

tencal, confining of no fewer than 40,000 men. 
By thefe the fmall army of Cortes was entirely 
furrounded ; which Xicotencal no fooner per- 
ceived, than he contracted the circle with incre- 
dible diligence, while the Spaniards were almoft 
overwhelmed with ftiowers of arrows, darts, and 
ftones. It is impoffible but in this cafe many of 
the Spaniards rauft have peri(hed, had it not 
been for the inlufficiency of the Indian weapons. 
Their arrows and fpears were headed only with 
.^int, or the bones of fifhes ; their (lakes harden- 
ed in the fire, and wooden fwords, though del- 
truiftive weapons among naked Indians, wereea- 
fily turned afide by the Spanifli bucklers, and 
could hardly penetrate the quilted jackets which 
the foldiers wore. Thefe circumftances gave the 
Spaniards a prodigious advantage over them : 
and therefore the Tlafcaians, notwithftanding 
their valour and fuperiority in number, could ac- 
compli(h no more in the prefent inltance, thaa 
to kill one horfe and llightly wound nine fol- 
diers. 

The Tlafcaians being taught by this, and fome 
fub^equent encounters, how much they were in- 
ferior to the Spaniards, began to conceive them 
to be really what Magiibatzin had faid : a fupe- 
rior order of beings, againft whom human power 
could not prevail. In this extremity they had 
recourfe to their priefls, requiring them to reveal 
the caules of fuch extraordinary events, and to 
declare what means they (hould take to repel 
fuch formidable invaders. The priefts, after 
many facrifices and incantations, delivered their 
refponfe. That thefe Grangers were the offspring 
of the fuD, procreated by his animating energy 

in 



OF AMERICA. 131 

in the regions of the eaft ; that, by day, while 
cherlQied with the influence of his parental 
beams, they were invincible ; but by night, when 
his reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigour 
declined and faded like herbs in the field, and 
they dwindled down into mortal men. In con- 
fequence of this, the Tiafcaians a6led in con- 
tradiftion to one of their raoft eftabliflied max- 
ims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy in 
the night-time, hoping to deftroy them when in- 
feeblcd and furprifed. But the Spanifli centinels 
having obferved fome extraordinary movements 
among the Tiafcalans, gave the alarm. Imme- 
diately the troops were under arms, and Tallying 
out, defeated the'r antagonifts with great flaugh- 
t^r, without allowing them to approach the 
camp. By this difafter the Tiafcalans were hear- 
tily difpoied to peace; but they were at a lofs to 
form an adequate idea of the enemies they had to 
deal with. They could not albertain the nature, 
of thefe furprifing beings, or whether they were 
really of a benevolent or malignant difpofirion. 
There were circumftances in their behaviour 
which feemed to favour each opinion. On the 
one hand, as the Spaniards con ftantly difmifled 
their prifoners whom ihey took, not only with- 
out injury, but often with prefents of European 
toys, and renewed their offers of peace after eve- 
ry vicfory ; this lenity amazed people accuftom- 
ed to the exterminating fyftem of war known in 
America, and who facrificed and devoured with- 
out mercy all the captives taken in battle ; and 
difpofed them to entertain fentiments favourable 
to their humanity. But, on the other hand, as 
Cortes had feized 50 of their countrymen who 

brought 



132 GENERAL HISTORY 

brought provifions to their camp, and cut off 
their heads ; this bloody fpe<5lacle, added to the 
terror occafioned by the fire-arms and horfes, 
filled them with dreadful ideas of their ferocity. 
Accordingly they addrefTed them in the follow- 
ing manner : " If (faid they) you are divinities 
of a cruel and lavage nature, we prtfent to you 
five fiaves, that you may drink their blood and 
eat their (lefh. If you are mild deities, accept 
an offering of incenfe and variegated plumes. If 
you are men, here is meat, bread, and fruir, to 
nourifh you" After this addrefs, the peace was 
foon concluded, to the great fatisfadfion of both 
parties. The Tiafcalans yielded themfelves as 
vaffals to the crown of Caflile, and engaged to 
afTift Cortes in all his operations ; while betook 
the republic under his proteftion, and promifed 
to defend their perfons and pofTeflions from in- 
jury and violence. 

This reconciliation took place at a very feafon- 
able jun<nure for the Spaniards. They were not 
only worn out with incefTant toil, but fo defti- 
tute of necefTaries, that they had no other falve 
to drefs their wounds but what was compofed of 
the fat of Indians whom they had flain. Their 
diftreffes, in Ihort, were rifen to fuch an height, 
that they had began to murmur, and even to 
defpair, infomuch that Cortes had much difficul- 
ty in reftraining them within any kind of bounds; 
but the lubmiffion of the Tiafcalans, and their 
own triumphant entry into the city, where they 
were received with the reverence due to a fupe- 
rior order of beings, banifhed at once all memo- 
ry of paft fufferings, difpelled every anxious 
thought, and fully convinced them that they 

could 



OF AMERICA. 133 

could not be refifted by any power in Ame- 
rica. 

Cortes left no method untried to gain the fa- 
vour and confidence of the Tlafcalans ; which, 
however, he had almolt entirely loft, by his un- 
timely zeal in deftroying their idols, as he had 
done thoie of Zempoalla. But he was deterred 
from this rafh a<flion by his chaplain, father Bar- 
tholomev/ de Oimedo; and left the Tlafcalans 
in the undiliurbed exercife of their fuperftition, 
requiring only that they ihonld defifl from their 
horrid pra6lice of offering human vi<fl-ims. A^; 
fom as his troops were fit for fervice, he refolv. 
ed to continue his march towards Mexico, not- 
withftanding the remonftrances of the Tlafcalans, 
who looked upon his dedrudlion as unavoidable 
if he put himfelf into the power of fuch a faith- 
lefs prince as Montezuma. Bat the emperc'\ 
probably intimidated with the fame of his ex- 
ploits, had reiolved to admit his vifit •, and in- 
formed Cortes, that he had given orders for his 
friendly reception at Choiula, the next place of 
any confequence on the road to Mexico. In this, 
however, he was, by no means fincere. Cho- 
iula was looked upon by ail the inhabitants of 
the empire as a very holy place ; the fan<5luary 
and chief feat of their gods, to which pilgrims 
refbrtcd from every province, and a greater num- 
ber of human victims were offered in its principal 
temple, than even in that of Mexico. M.-atezu- 
ma therefore, invited the Spaniards thither, ei- 
ther from Ibme fuperftitious hopes that the gods 
wojld not fuffer this facred manflon to be de- 
filed 5 or from a belief, thut he himfelfi might 
there find an opportunity of cutting them off 
with more certainty ot fuccefs, when under the 
M 2 immediate 



134 GENERAL HISTORY 

immediate proteflion of his gods. Cortes, how- 
ever, was received with much feeming cordiali- 
ty ; but 6000 Tlafcalan troops, who accompa- 
nied him, were obliged to remain without the 
town, as the Cholulans refufed to admit their 
ancient enemies within their precinfVs. Yet two 
of thefe by difguifing themfelves got into the ci- 
ty, and acquainted Cortes, that they obferved 
the women and children belonging to the princi- 
pal citizens, retiring every night in a great hurry, 
and that fix children had been facrificed in the 
great temple : a flgn that fome warlike enterprile 
was at hand. At the fame time that Donna Ma- 
rina, the interpreter, received information from 
an Indian woman of diftin(flion, whofe confi- 
dence fhe had gained, that the deftru(fl:ion of the 
Spaniards was concerted ; that a body of the 
Mexican troops Tay concealed near the town ; 
that fome of the ftreets were barricaded, in others 
deep pits or trenches were dug, and (lightly co- 
vered over, as traps into which the horfe might 
fall ; that ftones and miffive weapons were col- 
le^ed on the tops of the temples, with which to 
overwhehn the infantry ; that the fatal hour was 
already at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. 
Cortes, alarmed at this news, fecretly arreted 
three of the chief priefts, from whom he extort- 
ed » confcflion that confirmed the intelligence he 
had already received. As not a moment was to 
be loff, he inlfantly refolved to prevent his ene- 
mies, and to inflifl on them fuch dreadful ven- 
geance as might ftrike Montezuma and his fub- 
jt(fls with terror. For this purpofe the Span- 
iards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large 
court, which had been allotted for their quar- 
ters. 



OF AMERICA. 135 

ters, near the centre of the town i the Tlafcalans 
had orders to advance j the magiftrates and chief 
citizens were fent for under various pretexts, 
and feized. On a fignal given, the troops rulh- 
ed out, and fell upon the multitude, deflitute of 
leaders, and fo much aftonifhed, that the wea- 
pons dropped from their hands, and they flood 
motionlefs, and incapable of defence- While 
the Spaniards attacked them in front, the Tlaf- 
calans did the fame in the rear -, the (freets were 
filled with flaughter ; the temples, which afford- 
ed a retreat to the priefts, and fome leading men, 
were fet on fire, and they perifhed in the flames. 
This fceneof horror continued two days, during 
which the wretched inhabitants fuffered all that 
the deftruflive rage of the Spaniards, or the im- 
placable revenge of their Indian allies, could in- 
fliifi:. At length the carnage ceafed, after the 
Ilaughter of 6000 Cholulans, without the lofs of 
a iingle Spaninrd. — Cortes then releafed the ma- 
gilf rates *, and reproaching them bitterly for their 
intended treachery, declared, that as juftice was 
now appeafed, he forgave the offence •, but re- 
quired them to recal the inhabitants who had 
fled, and re-eftabliih or^er in the town. Such 
was the afcendant that the Spaniards had now 
obtained over this fuperflitious race, that this or- 
der was inftantly complied with j and the city 
was in a few days again filled with people, who 
paid the mofl refpedlful fervice to thofe men 
whofe hands were ftained with the blood of their 
relations and fellow-citizens. 

From Cholula, Cortes advanced dirc^ly to- 
wards Mexico ; and throughout the whole of 
his journey, was entertained with accounts of 

the 



136 GENERAL HISTORY 

the oppreffions and cruelty of Montezuma. This 
gave him the grcateft hope of accompli(hing his 
defign ; as he now perceived that the empire was 
entirely divided, and no fort of unanimity pre- 
vailed among them. No enemy appeared to 
check his progrefs. Montezuma was quite ir- 
refolute ; and Cartes was almoft at the gates of 
the capital before the emperor had dciermined 
whether to receive him as a friend, or oppofe 
him as an enemy. But as no fign of open hof- 
tility appeared, the Spaniards, without regarding 
the fludf uations of Montezuma's fentiments, con- 
tinued their march to Mexico, with great cir- 
cumfpe(5lion and the ftriiSteft difcipline, though 
without feeming to fufpe<n: the prince whom they 
were about to vifit. 

When they drew near the city, about 1000 
perfons, who appeared to be of diftin6lion, came 
forth to meet them, adorned with plumes, and 
clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of thefe, 
in his order, paffed by Cor res, and filuted him 
according to the mode deemed moll refpedtful 
and fubmiffivein their country. They announc- 
ed the approach of Montezuma himfelf, and foon 
after his harbingers came in fight. There ap- 
peared firft 200 perfons in an uniform drefs, with 
large plumes of feathers, alike in fafhion, march- 
ing two and two, in deep lilence, barefooted, 
with their eyes fixed on the ground. Thefe 
were followed by a company of higher rank, in 
their molt {howy apparel ; in the miviflof whom 
was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly orna- 
mented with goid, and feathers of various co- 
lours. F -ur of his principal favourites carried 
him on their fliouiders, others fupported a cano- 

py 



OF AMERICA. 137 

py of curious workmanlhip over his head. Be^- 
fore him marched three officers, with rods of 
gold in their hwinds, which they lifted up on high 
at certain intervals ; and at that fjgnal all the 
people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, 
as unworthy to look on (o great a monarch.— 
When he drew near, Cortes difmounted, advan- 
cing towards him with officious hade, and in a 
refpeiftful pofture. At the fame time Montezn- 
tna alighted from his chair, and leaning on the 
arms of two of his near relations, approached 
with a (low and rtateiy pace, his attendants co- 
vering the ftreets with cotton cloths, that he 
might not touch the ground. Cortes accoRed 
him with profound reverence, after the Euro- 
pean fafhion. He returned the falutation, ac- 
cording to the mode of his country, by touching 
the earth with his hand, and then kiffing it. 
This ceremony, the cuftomary expreffion of re- 
verence from inferiors towards thofe who are 
:.bove them in rank, appeared fuch amazing con- 
defcenfion in a proud monarch, who fcarcely 
deigned to confider the reft of mankind as of th6 
i'lme fpecie; with himfelf, that all his fubjetfla 
iirmly believed thofe perfons, before whom he 
humbled himfelf in this manner, to befomething 
more than human. Accordingl)^, as they march- 
ed through the crowd, the Spaniards frequently, 
and with much fatisfaclion, heard themfelves 
denominated teules, or divinities. Nothing ma- 
terial paffed in this firft interview. JVIontezuma 
condudfed Cortes to the quarters which he had 
prepared for his reception ; and immediately 
took leave of him, with a politenefs not unwor- 
thy of a court more refined. *^ Yoa are now 

(fays 



138 GENERAL HISTORY 

(fays he), with your brothers, in your own 
houfe ; refrefli yourfelves after your fatigue, and 
be happy until I return." The place allotted to 
the Spaniards for their lodging, was a houfe 
built by the father of Montezuma. It was fur- 
rounded by a ftone wall, with towers at proper 
diftances, which lerved for defence as well as 
for ornament ; and its departments and courts 
were fo large as to accommodate both the Span- 
iards and their Indian allies. The hrfl: care of 
Cortes was to take precautions for his fecurity, 
by planting the artillery fo as to command the 
different avenues which led to it, by appointing 
a large divifion of his troops to be always on 
guard, and by poOing fentinels at proper ftations, 
with injun<flions to obferve the fame vigilant dif- 
cipline as if they were within fight of an enemy's 
camp. 

In the evening, Montezuma returned to vifit 
his guefts, with the fame pomp as in their firft 
interview j and brought prefents of fuch value 
not only to Cortes, and to his officers, but even 
to the private men, as proved the liberality of 
the monarch to be fuitablc to the opulence of his 
kingdom. A long conference enfued, in which 
Cortes learned what was the opinion of Monte- 
zuma with refpe(Sl to the Spaniards. It was an 
eflabli(hcd tradition, he told him, among the 
Mexicans, that their anceftors came originally 
from a remote region, and conquered the pro- 
vinces now fubjeft to his domj.nion : that after 
they were fettled there, the great captain who 
conducted this colony, returned to his own coun- 
try, promifing, that at ibme future period his de- 
fcendants fiiould vifit them, aflume the govern- 
ment; 



GF AMERICA. 139 

ment, Jind reform their coniiitutions and laws % 
that, from what he had heard and feen ot Cortes 
and his followers, he was convinced that they 
were the very perfons whofe appearance the 
prophecies taught them to expert ; that accord- 
ingly, he had received them, not as ftrangers, 
but as relations of the fame blood and parentage 
and defired that they might confider themlelves 
as maffcers of his dominions ; for both himfelf 
and his fubje<^s fhould be ready to comply with 
their will and even to prevent their wifhes. 
Cortes made a reply in his ufual ftyle with re- 
ipe£i to the dignity and power of his fovereign, 
and his intention in fending him into that coun- 
try ; artfully endeavouring fo to frame his dif- 
courfe, that it might coincide as much as polfible 
with the idea which Montezuma had formed con- 
cerning the origin of the Spaniards. Next morn- 
ing, Cortes, and fome of his principal attend- 
ants, were admitted to a public audience of the 
emperor. The three fubfequent days were em- 
ployed in viewing the city ; the appearance of 
which, fo far fuperior in the order of its build- 
ings and the number of its inhabitants to any 
place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and 
yet ib little refembling the ftruflure of an Euro- 
pean city, filled them with furprife and admira- 
tion. 

Mexico, Temchtitlany as it was anciently call- 
ed by the natives, is fituated in a large plain, en- 
vironed by mountains of fuch height, that though 
within the torrid zone, the temperature of its 
climate is mild and healthful. All the moillure 
which defcends from the high grounds, is col- 
lt6led in feveral lakes, the two largeft of which, 

of 



140 GENERAL HISTORY 

of about 90 miles in circuit, communicate with 
each other. The waters of the one are frefh, 
thofe of the others are brackiCh. On the banks 
of the latter, and on fome (cnall iflands adjoining 
to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was 
built. — ^The accefs to the city was by artificial 
caufeways or Iheets, fc rmed of (lones and earth, 
about 30 feet in breadth. As the waters of the 
lake, during the rainy fealbn, overflowed the flat 
country, thefe caufeways were of confidcrable 
length. That of Tacuba, on the weft, a mile and 
a half; that of Tezcuco, on the north-well 
three miles ; that of Cuoyacan, towards the fouth 
fix miles. On the eaft there was no caufeway, 
and the city could be approached only by canoes. 
In each of thtfe caufeways were openings, at pro- 
per intervals, through which the waters flow- 
edj and over thefe, beams of timber were laid, 
which being covered with earth, the caufeway 
or ftreet had every where an uniform appearance. 
As the approaches to the city were fingular, its 
conftru6tion was remarkable. Not only the 
temples of their go>is, but the houfes belonging 
to the monarch, and to perfons of diftinftion, 
were of fuch dimenfions, that, in comparifon 
with any other buildings, which had been difco- 
vered in America, they might be termed magnifi' 
cent. The habitations of the common people 
were mean, refembiing the huts of other Indians. 
But they were all placed m a regular manner, on 
the banks of the canals which pafTed through 
the city, in fome of its diftrifVs, or on the fides 
of the ftreets which interle6ted it in other quar- 
ters. In feveral places were large openings or 
fquares, one of which allotted for the great mar- 
ker. 



OF AMERICA. Ml 

ket, is faid to have been Co I'pacious, that 40,000 
or 50,000 perfons carried on traffic there. In 
this city, the pride of the New World, and the 
nobleft monument of the induftry and art of man, 
while unacquainted with the ufe of iron, and 
dellitute of aid from any domeftic animril, the 
Spaniards, who are siioft moderate in thtir com- 
putarions, reckon that there were at leail 60,000 
inhabitants. 

But how much fbever the novelty of thofe ob- 
jed^s might amufe or aftonifh the Spaniards, they 
feir the utmod folicitude with refpt<£t to their 
own (ituation. — From a concurrence of circum- 
flancqs, no leis unexpe^ed than favourable to 
their progrefs, they had been allowed to pene- 
trate into the heart A a powerful kingdom, and 
were now lodged in its capita!, without having 
once met with open oppofirion from its monarch. 
The Tiafcalans however, had earneiUy dilfuaded 
theiii from placing i'uch confidence in Montezu- 
ma as to enter a city of luch a peculiar fitnation 
as Mexico, where that prince would hive them 
at mercy, fhut up as it were in n inare, from 
which it was impoffible to efcape. They .^.fiured 
them that the Mexican priefts had, in the name 
of the gods, counfelled their fovereign to admit 
the Grangers into the capital, that he might cut 
them off there at one blow with perfe(51 fecurity. 
The Spaniards now perceived, too plainly, that 
the apprehenfions of their allies was not d'elHtnte 
of foundation ; that, by breaking the bridges 
placed at certain intervals on the 'Caufeways, or 
by dclfroying part of the caul'eways themlelves, 
their retreat would be rendered impradicable, 

and 
N 



U2 GENERAL HISTORY 

and they muft remain cooped up in the centre of 
a hoftile city, furrounded by multitudes fufficient 
to overwhelm tbem, and without a poflibility of 
receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, 
indeed, received them with diflinguilhed refpedf. 
But ought they to reckon upon this as real, or 
to confider it as feigned ? Even if it were fincefe, 
could they promile on its continuance ? Their 
fafety depended upon the will of a monarch in 
whofe attachment they had no reafon to confide ; 
and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word 
uttered by him in paflion, might decide irrevo- 
cably concerning their fate. 

Thefe reflexions, fo obvious as to occur to 
the meaneft foldier, did not efcape the vigilant 
fagacity of their general. Before he fet out from 
Cholula, Cortes had received advice from Villa 
Rica, that Qnalpopoca, one of the Mexican ge- 
nerals on the frontiers, having alTembled an army 
in order to attack fome of the people whom the 
Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mex- 
ican yoke, Efcalante had marched out with part 
of the garrifon to fupport his allies : that an en- 
gagement had enfued, in which, though the 
Spaniards were vicftorious, Efcalante, with feven 
of his men, had been mortally wounded, his 
horfe killed, and one Spaniard had been fur- 
rounded by the enemy, and taken alive ; that 
the head of this unfortunate captive, after being 
carried in triumph to different cities, in order to 
convince the people, that their invaders were not 
immortal, had been fent to Mexico. Cortes, 
though alarmed with this intelligence, as an in- 
dication of Montezuma's hofl:ile intentions, had 
continued his march. But as foon as he entered 

Mexico,- 



OF AMERICA. 14-3 

Mexico, he became fenfible, that, from an ex- 
cefs of confidence in the fuperior valour and dii- 
cipiine of his troops, as well as from the difad- 
vantage^of having nothing to guide him in an 
unknown country, but the defeflive intelligence 
which he received from people with whom his 
mode of communication was very imperfefl:, he 
had puOied forward into a fituation, where it 
was difficult to continue, and from which it was 
dangerous to retire. Difgrace, and perhaps ruin, 
was the certain confequences of attempting the 
latter. The fuccefs of his enterprife depended 
upon fupporting the high opinion which the peo- 
ple of New-Spain had formed with refpeft to the 
irreliftibie power of his arms. Upon the firft 
fymptom of timidity on his part, their veneration 
would ceafe, and Montezuma, whom fear alone 
reftrained at prefent, would let loofe upon him 
the whole force of his empire. At the fame 
time, he knew that the countenance of his ov^^n 
fovereign was to be obtained only by a feries of 
vi<5fories ; and that nothing but the merit of ex- 
traordinary fuccefs could fcreen his condu61: from 
the cenfure of irregularity. From all thefe con- 
fiderations, it was neceffary to maintain his lla- 
tion, and to extricate himielf out of the difficul- 
ties in which one bold flep had involved him, 
by venturing upon another flill bolder. — The fi- 
tuation was trying, but his mind was equal to 
ir i and after revolving the matter with deep at- 
tention, he fixed upon a plan no lefs extraordi- 
nary than daring. — He determined to feize Mon- 
tezuma inj his palace, and carry him a prifoner 
to the Spanifh quarters. From the fiiperflitious 
veneration of the Mexicans for the perfon of their 

monarch, 



144 GENERAL HISTORY 

mOiiarch, as well as their implicit fubmiflion to 
his will, he hoped, by having Montezuma in his 
power, to acquire the fupreme diredion of their 
affairs ; or at lead, with fuch a facred pledge in 
his hands, he made no doubt of being fecure 
from anvffFort of their violence. 

This he im nediAtely propofed to his officers. 
The rimid flartled at ameafure fo audacious, and 
raifed objections. The more intelligent and rc- 
iblure, confcious that it was the only refource ia 
which there appeared any profped of fnfcty, 
warmly approved of it, and brought over their- 
comp^inions fo cordially to the lame opinion, that 
it was agreed inftantly to make the attempt. At 
his uf'ial hour of vifiting Montezuma, Cortes 
went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, 
Sandoval, Lugo, Velal'quez de Leon, and Da- 
vibi, five of his principal officers, and as many 
truily foldiers. Thirty chofcn men followed, 
net in a regular order, but fauntering at fome 
diibmce, as if they had no objed but curiofity ; 
fmall parties were ported at proper intervals, in 
all the ftreets leading from the Spanifli quarters 
to the court ; and the remainder of his troops, 
with the Tlafcalan allies, were under arms, rea- 
dy to fally out on the firfl alarm. Cortes and 
his attendants were admitted without fufpicion ; 
the Mexicans retiring, as ufual, out of refpeft. 
He addreffed the monarch in a tone very differ- 
ent from that which he had employed in former 
conferences ; reproaching him bitterly as the au- 
thor of the violent nffault made upon the Span- 
iards by one of his officers, and demanding pub- 
lic reparation for the lofs which he had fuflain- 
cd by the death of fome of his companions, as 

well 



OF AMERICA. 145 

W.-Il as for the infult offered to the great prmce 
whofe fervants they were. Montezuma, con* 
founded at this ufiexpe(^ed accnlation, and change 
ing colour, either from the confcioufnefs of guilt, 
or from feeling the indignity with which ht was 
treated, alTerted his oWn innocence with great 
earneftnrfs ; and as a proof of it, gave orders 
inftantly to bring Qurdpopoca and his accompli- 
ces prifoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, with 
feeming complaifance, that a declaration {o r'^- 
fpc<5table left no doubt remaining in his own 
mind, but that fomething more was reqiiifite to 
fatisfy his followers, who would, never be con- 
vinced that Montezuma did not harbour hoftile 
intentions againft them, unlefs, as an evidenee 
cf his confidence and attachment, he removed 
from his own palace, and took up his refidence 
in the Spanifh quarters, where he would be ferv- 
ed and honoured as became a great monarch. 
The firft mention of fo ftrange a propof li, be- 
reaved Montezuma of i'peech, and almoft of mo- 
tion. At length he haughtily anfwered, " That 
perfons of his rank Avere not accuftomed volun- 
tarily to give up themfelves as prifoners ; and 
were he mean enough to do {oy his iubje<5f s would 
not permit fuch an affront to be offered to their 
fovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force 
endeavoured alternately to fo<nhe and intimidate 
him. The altercation became warm ; and hav- 
ing continued above three hours,* Vdafquez de 
LeoU; an impetuous and gallant yor.ng man, ex- 
claimed with impatience, " Why wafte more 
time in vain? Let us either feize him inflantly, 
or Dab him to the heart." The threatening voice 

and 
N 2 



146 GENERAL HISTORY 

and fierce geftures with which thefe words were 
uttered, ftruck Montezuma. The Spaniards, 
he was fenfible, had now proceeded fo far, as 
left him no hope that they would recede. His 
own danger was imminent, the neceility unavoid-r 
able. He faw both ; and abandoning himfelf to 
his fate, complied with their requeil. 

His officers were called. He communicated 
to them his refolutlun. Though aftonifhed and 
affli(fl-ed, they prefumed not to queflion the will 
of their mafler, but carried him in filent pomp, 
all baihed in tears, to the Spanifh quarters. 
When it was known that theflrangers were con- 
veying away the emperor, the people broke out 
into the wildeft tranfports of grief and rage, 
threatening the Spaniards with immediate de- 
Uruclion, as the punifliment juftly due to their 
impious audacity. But as foon as Montezuma 
appeared with a feeming gaiety of countenance, 
and waved his hand, the tumult was hufhed ; 
and upon his declaring it to be of his own choice 
that he went to refide for fome time among his 
new friends, the multitude, taught to revere 
every intimation of their fovereign's pleafure, 
quietly difperfed. 

The Spaniards at firft pretended to treat Mon- 
rczuma with great rcfpe(5t ; but foon took care 
to let him know that he was entirely in their 
power. Cortes wiflied that the fliedding the 
blood of a Spaniard, (hould appear the moft he- 
nious crime that could be committed ; and there- 
fore not only took a moft exemplary vengeance 
on thofe who had been concerned in the affair of 
Villa Rica, but even put the emperor himfelf in 
chains, till the execution of the Mexican general 

was 



GF AMERICA. 147 

was ever. By thefe and other Infults, he at lafl 
gained entirely, the afcendant over this unhappy 
monarch ; and he took care to improve his op- 
portunity to the utmofi-. He fent his emiffaries 
into different parts of the kingdom, accompanied 
with Mexicans of diflin<51ions, who might ferve 
both to gni 1c and to prote(n: them. They vifi- 
ted moft of the provinces, viewed their foil and 
produdions, furveyed with particular care the 
the diflri(5ts which yielded gold or filver, pitch- 
ed upon feveral places as proper for future colo- 
nies, and endeavoured to prepare the minds of 
the people for lubmitting to the Spanifh yoke : 
and while they were thus employed, Cortes, in 
the name, and by the authority of Montezuma, 
degraded fome of the principal officers in the 
empire, whofe abilities or independent fpirit ex- 
cited his jealoufy ; and fubftituted in their place 
perlons who he imagined would be more obfe- 
quious. One thing, however, was ftill wanting 
to complete his fecurity. He widied to have fuch 
a command of the lake as might enfure a retreat, 
if, either from levity or difguft, the Mexicans 
ftiould take arms againft him, and break down 
the bridges or caufeways, in order to enclofe him 
in the city. In order to obtain this without giv- 
ing difguft to the emperor or his court, Cortes 
artfully inflamed thecuriofity of the Indians with 
accounts of the Spanifh fliipping, and thofe float- 
ing palaces that moved with fuch velocity on the 
water, without the affiftanceof oars ; and when 
he found that the monarch himfelf was extreme- 
ly defirous of feeing fuch a novelty, he gave him 
to undcrfland, that nothing was wanting to his 
gratification, befides a few nece/Taries from Vera 

Cruz, 



U8 GENERAL HISTORY 

Cruz, for that hi had workmen in his army ca- 
pable of building fuch vefTels. The bate took 
with Montezuma ; and he gave immediate orders 
that all his people {hould aflift Cortes in what- 
ever he ftiould dire<5l concerning the (hipping. 
By this means, in a few days, two brigantines 
were got ready, fqll-rigged and equipped ; and 
Montezuma was invited on board, to make the 
firfl trial of their failings of which he could form 
no idea. Accordingly he embarked for this pur- 
pofc, and gave orders for a great hunting upon 
the water, in order that all his people might be 
diverted with the novelty prefented by the Span- 
iards. On the day appointed, the royal equi- 
page was ready early in the morning; and the 
lake was covered with a multitude of boats and 
canoes loaded with people. The Mexicans had 
augmented the number of their rowers on board 
the royal barges, with an intention, to difgrace 
the Spanifli vefTels, which they regarded as clum- 
fy, unweildy, and heavy. But they were foon 
undeceived ; a frefh gale ftarted up, the brigan- 
tines hoifted fail, to the utter aftoniHiment of all 
the fpe<5lators, and foon left ail the canoes be- 
hind ; while the monarch exulted in the vicflory 
of the Spaniards, without once confulering that 
now he had efFe6lually rivetted his own chains. 
Cortes having obtained this important poinf; 
refolved to put the condefcenfion of the emperor 
to a trial ftill more fevere. He urged Montezu- 
ma to acknowledge himi'elf a vaflal to the crown 
of Caftile •, to hold his crown of him as fup. rior, 
and to fubje(fi: his dominions to the payment of 
an annual tribute. With this requifition, hu- 
miliating as it was, Montezuma complied. He 

called 



OF AMERICA. 149 

called together the chief men of his empire, and, 
ill a folemn harangue, reminded them of the 
traditions and propheciCvS which led them to ex- 
pe6r the anivai of a people fprung from the fame 
Aock with themfelves, in orier to take poflef- 
fion of the fnprtme power; he declared his be- 
lief that tht Spaniards were this promiftd race ; 
and that therefore he recognifed the right of 
their monarch to govern the Mexican empire^ 
would lay his crown at his feet, and abe) him 
as a tributary. While uttering thefe words, 
Monrezuma diicovered how deeply he was afFec- 
ted in making fnch a fucrvfice Tears and groans 
freqivenrly interrupted his difcourfe. *The firfV 
meniion of fuch a refolution flruck the afTembly 
dumb with aftonifhmenr. This was followed 
by a fallen murmur of for row mingled with in- 
dignation ; which indicated iome violent eruption 
of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes fore- 
fciW, and leiifonably irnerpofed to prevent it, by 
declaring that his mailer had no inttntiun to de- 
prive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or ';o 
make any innovation upon the ccniiitution and 
laws of the IMexiciin trnpire. This alfijrance, 
added to their dread of the Spanifn arm,-, and 
the authority of their monarch's eximpic, ex- 
torted the confent of the a/Tembiy ; and the aft 
of fubmiffion and homage was executed with all 
the formalities which the Spai)iards plealbd to 
preicribe. 

Montezuma, at the requeft of Cortes, accom- 
panied this profefTion of fealty and homage with 
a magnificent prefent to his new fovereign ; and, 
after his example, his fubjecfts brought in very 
liberal contributions. The Spaniards then col- 

lefted 



150 GENERAL HISTORY 

levied all the treafure which had been either vo- 
luntarily beftowed upon them at different times 
by Montezuma, or had been extorted from his 
people under various pretences ; and having 
melted the gold and filver, the value of thefe, 
without including jewels and ornaments of va- 
rious kinds, which were preserved on account of 
their curious workmanfliip, amounted to 600,000 
pefos. The foldiers were impatient to have it 
divided ; and Cortes complied with their defire. 
A fifth of the whole was fet apart as a tax due 
to the king. Another fifth was allowed to Cor- 
tes as commander. The fums advanced by the 
governor'of Cuba, who had originally fitted out 
the expedition, were then dedii<n:ed. The re- 
mainder was then divided among the army, in- 
cluding the garrilbn of Vera Cruz, in proportion 
to their different ranks ; and after fo many deduc- 
tions, the (hare of a private man did not exceed 
100 pefos. This fum fell fo far below their fan- 
guine expe(ftations, that it requir>:d all the ad- 
drefs, and no fmall exertions of the liberality of 
Cortes, to prevent an open mutiny. However, 
he at laft reftored tranquillity ; but had no loon- 
er efcaped this danger, than he involved himfelf, 
by his imprudent ze^l for religion, in one much 
worfe. Montezuma, though often importuned, 
had obflinately refufcd to charige his religion, or 
aboli(h the fuperftitious rites which had been for 
fuch a long time pra(5lifed throughout his do- 
minions. This at laft tranlported the Spaniards 
with fuch rage, that, in a fully of zeal, he led 
out his foldiers in order to throw down the idols 
in the gicat temple by force. But the priefls tak- 
ing arms in defence of their altars, and the peu> 

plr: 



OF AMERICA. 151 

pie crowding v^ ith great ardour to fupport them. 
Cortes* prudence over-ruled his zeal, and induc- 
ed him to defift from his rafh attempt, after dif^ 
lodging the idols from one of the fhrines, and 
placing in their Head an image of the Virgin 
Mary. 

From this moment the Mexicans began to me- 
ditate the expuUion or dertru<^ion of the Span- 
iards. The priefts and leading men held fre- 
quent meetings with Montezuma for this pur- 
pofe. But as any violent atte .^pt might have 
proved fatal to the captive monarch, it was 
thought proper firft to try more gentle means. 
Having called Cortes into his prelence, he ob- 
ferved, that now, as all the purpofes oi his em- 
balTy were fully accomplifhed, the goiis had de- 
clared their will, and the people fignified their 
defire, that he and his followers fiit>uic: milantly 
depart out of the empire. With this he r^.qj.ired 
them to comply, or unavoidable dettruction 
would fall fuddenly on their heads. This unex- 
pe£lcd requifition, as well as the manner in 
which it was delivered, alarmed Cortes. How- 
ever, he fuppofcd that more might be gained by 
a feigned compliance than by open refjftance ; 
and therefore replied with great compofure, that 
he had already begun to prepare for his return ; 
but as he had deftroyed the veflels in which he 
arrived, fome time was requifite for building 
other fhips. This appeared reafonable •, and a 
number of Mexicans were fent to Vera Cruz to 
cut down timber, and fome Spanifh carpenters 
were appointed to fuperintend the work. 

Cortes flattered himfelf, that, during this m- 
terval, he might either find means to avert the 

threatened 



152 GENERAL HISTORY 

threatened danger, or receive fuch reinforcements 
as would enable him to defend himielf. Nine 
months had now elapfed fmce Portocarrero and 
Montejo had failed with his defpatches to Spain , 
and he daily expefled a return with a confirma- 
tion of his authority from the king, without 
which all that he had done ferved only to mark 
him out as an objeft of puniftiment. While he 
remained in great anxiety on this account, news 
were brought that fome fhips had appeared on 
the coaft. Thefe were imagined by Cortes to 
be a reinforcement fent him from Spain : but his 
joy was of fhort continuance, for a courier very 
foon arrived from Vera Cruz, with certain irir 
formation that the armament was fitted out by 
Veiafquez, the governor of Cuba j and inflead 
of bringing fuccours, threatened them with im- 
mediate dtftru<flion. 

Veiafquez had been excited to this hoftile mea- 
furt chi(.fly through the indifcretion, or rather 
treachery, of the melTengers of Cortes ; who, 
contrary to his exprefs injunctions, had landed 
on the ifland of Cuba, and given intelligence of 
all that had palled : and Veiafquez, tranfported 
with rage at hearing of the proceedings of Cor- 
tes, had now lent againfi: him this armament ; 
confining of 18 fhips, which carried SO horfc- 
men, 800 infantry, of which 80 were muflce- 
teers, and 120 crols-bowmen, commanded bv a 
brave officer named Famphih de l^arvaez ; whofe 
infiru6Vions were, to feize Cortes and his princi- 
pal officers, to fend them prifoners to hia), and 
then to complete the difcovery and conqucfl of 
the country in his name. This proved a mofl: 
afflidting piece of news to Cortes. However, 

thinking 



OF AMERICA. 153 

thinking it imprudent to attempt any thing againft 
his countrymen at firft by force, he fent his chap- 
Iain O'medo with propolals of accommodation. 
Narvaez reje<5ted his propofals with fcorn ; but 
his followers were lefs violent in their refent- 
ments. Olmedo delivered many letters to them, 
either from Cortes himfelf, or from his officers 
their ancient friends and companions. Thefe 
Cortes had artfully accompanied with prefentsof 
rings, chains of gold, and other trinkets of va- 
lue ; which infpired thofe needy adventurers with 
high ideas of the wealth he had acquired, and 
with envy of the good fortune of thofe who were 
engaged in his fervice. Some, from hopes of 
becoming (harers in thefe rich fpoils, declared 
for an immediate accommodation ; while others 
were for the fame pacific meafure^ through fear 
of fiibverting the Spanilh power entirely in a 
country where it was fo imperfe6fly eftabli filed 
Narvaez difregarded both ; and, by a proclama- 
tion, denounced Cortes and his adherents rebel;, 
and enemies to their country. 

Cortes having now no refource but in war, 
left 150 men under the command of Pedro- de 
Alvarado, an officer of great bravery, and much 
refpecfled by the Mexicans, to guard the capital 
and the captive emperor ; while he himfelf 
marched with the remainder, to meet his formi- 
dable opponent, who had taken poilelTion of 
Zempoalia. Even after being reinforced by San- 
doval his governor of Vera Cruz, the force of 
Cortes did net exceed 250 men. He hoped for 
fuccefs chiefly from the rapidity of his motions 
and the pofTibility of furprifing his enemies ; and 

as 
O 



15^ GENERAL HISTORY 

as he chiefly dreaded their cavalry, he armed 
his foldiers with long fpears, accuftoming them 
to that deep and compact arrangement which the 
ufe of this formidable weapon enabled them to 
alTume. As he advanced, however, he repeated 
his propofaJs of accommodation ; but thefe being 
conftantly rejected, and a price fet upon his head, 
he at laft attacked Narvaez in the night-time, en- 
tirely defeated and took him prifoner, obliging 
all his troops to own allegiance to himfelf. 

Nothing could be more feafonable than this 
vi£lory, by which Cortes found his army very 
confiderably increafed ; for mofl of the foldiers 
of Narvaez chofe rather to follow Cortes than 
to return to Cuba, whither the conqueror had 
offered to lend them if they chofe- His affairs 
at Mexico, in the mean time, were in the utmoft 
danger of being totally ruined ; and had this de- 
cifive vi^ory been delayed but a few days lon- 
ger, he muft have come too late to faye his 
companions. A fhort time after the defeat of 
Narvaez, a courier arrived from Mexico with 
the difagreeable intelligence that the Mexicans 
had taken arms *, and having feized ana deftroy- 
ed the two brigantincs which he had built in or- 
der to fecure the command of the lake, had at- 
tacked the Spaniards in their quarters, killed 
fome, and wounded many more, burnt their 
magazine of provifions, and, in (hort, carried on 
hoftilities with fuch fury, that though Alvnrado 
and his men defended themfelves with undaunt- 
ed refolution, they muft either be cut off by fa- 
mine, or fink under the multitude of their ene- 
mies. This revolt was excited by motives which 
rendered it ftill more alarming. On the depar- 
ture 



OF AMERICA. 155 

ture of Cortes for Zempoalla, the Mexicans flat- 
tered themfelves, that the long-expe£Ved oppor- 
tunity of reftoring their fovereign to liberty, and 
driving out the Spaniards, was arrived-, and 
confultaiions were accordingly held for bringing 
about both thefe events. The Spaniards in Mex- 
ico confcious of their own weaknefs, fufpefted 
and dreaded thefe machinations i but Alvarado, 
who had neither the prudence nor the addrefs of 
Cortes, took the worft method imaginable to 
overcOiTie them. Tnftead of attempting to foothe 
or cajole the Mexicans, he waited the return of 
one of their folemn feftivals, when the principal 
perfons in the empire were dancing, according 
to cuilom, in the court of the great temple ; he 
feized all the avenues which led to it ; and, al- 
lured partly by the rich ornaments which they 
wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the 
facility of cutting off at once the authors of that 
confpiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, 
unarmed and unfufpicious of danger, and maffa- 
cred a great number; none efcaping but fuch as 
made their way over the battlements of the tem- 
ple. An a£lion fo cruel and treacherous filled 
not only the city, but the whole empire, with 
indignation and rage ; and the Mexicans imme- 
diately proceeded in the manner above mention- 
ed. 

Cortes advanced with the utmoft celerity to 
the relief of his diftrelTcd companions ; but as 
he pafTed along, had the mortification to hnd 
that the Spaniards were generally held in abhor- 
rence. The principal inhabitants had deferted 
the towns through which he palTed ; no perfou 
of note appeared to meet him with the uiual re- 

fpea s 



t.3G GENERAL HISTORY 

i peel: ; nor were provifions brought to his csmp 
as ufual. Notwithftanding thefe figns of aver- 
fion and horror, however, the Mexicans were 
ih ignorant of the military art, that they again 
permitted him to enter the capital without oppo- 
lition ; though it was in their power to have ea- 
fily prevented him, by breaking down the bridges 
r.nd canleways which led to it. 

Cortes was received by his companions with 
the utmoft joy ; and this extraordinary fuccefs 
fo far intoxicated the general himfelf, that he 
not only neglecSled to vifit Montezuma, but ex- 
prefTed himfelf very contemptuoufly concerning 
him. Thele expreilions being reported among 
the Mexicans, they all at once flew to arms, and 
made fuch a violent ^nd fudden attack, that all 
the valour and fkill of Cortes were fcarce fuffi- 
cient to repel them. This produced great unea- 
iinefs among the foldiers of Narvaez, who had 
imagined there was nothing to do but to gather 
rhe Ipoils of a conquered country. Difcontent 
and murmurings, however, were now of no 
avail; they wcie inclofed in a hoflile city, and, 
without fome extrr.ordinary exertions, were in- 
evitably undone. Cortes therefore, made a def- 
pcratelallyj but, after exerting his utmoft ef- 
forts, for a whole day, was obliged to retire 
witti the lofs of 12 killed, and upwards of 60 
wounded. Another fally was attempted with 
the like bad fuccefs, and in it Cortes himfelf was 
wounded in the hand. 

Ths Spanifh general was now thoroughly con- 
vinced of his error j and therefore betook him- 
felf to the only refource which was left •, namely, 
to try what efle<5l the interpofition of Montezu- 
ma 



OF AMERICA. 157 

ma would have tofoothe or overawe his fubje^s. 
When the Mexicans approached the next morn- 
ing to renew the adlinit, that unfortunate prince, 
at the mercy of the Spaniards and reduced to the 
fad neceffity of becoming the inftrument of his 
own difgrace, and of the Qavery of his people, 
advancerl to the battlements in his royal robes» 
and with all the pomp in which he ufed to ap- 
pear on foleran occafions. At the fight of their 
fovereign, whom they had been long accuftomed 
to reverence almoft as a god, the Mexicans in- 
ftantly forebore their hoftilities, and many prof- 
trnted themfelves on the ground : but when he 
addrclTed them in favour of the Spaniards, and 
made ufe of all the arguments he could think of 
to mitigate their rage, they teiVified their refent- 
ment with loud murmurings j and at length 
broke forth with fuch fury, that before the fol- 
diers, appointed to guard Montezuma, had time 
to cover him with their (hields, he was wounded 
with two arrows, and a blow on his temple with 
a (lone ftruck him to the ground. On feeing 
him fall, the Mexicans inftantly fled with the 
utmoft precipitation : but the unhappy monarch, 
now convinced that he was become an objefl of 
contempt even to his own fubje(n:s, obfHnately 
refufed all nourifhment ; and thus in a fliort time 
ended his days. 

On the death of Montezuma, Cortes having 
loft all hope of bringing the Mexicans to any 
terms of peace prepared for retreat. But his an- 
tagonifts, having taken pofTeflion of a high tow- 
er in the great temple, v/hich overlooked the 
Spanifli quarters, and placing there a garrifon of 
their principal warriors, the Spaniards were {o 
O 2 much 



158 GENERAL HISTORY 

much expofed to their miffile weapons that none 
could ftir without danger of being killed or 
wounded. From this port, therefore, it was 
necefTary to diflodge them at any rate ; and Juaa 
de Efcobar, with a large detachment of chofen 
foldiers, was ordered to make the attack. But 
Efcobar, though a valiant officer, and though 
he exerted his utmoft efforts, was thrice repulf- 
ed. Cortes, however, fenfible that not only 
his reputation, but the fafety of his army, de- 
pended on the fuccefs of this afTault, canled a 
buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not 
manage it with his wounded hand, and ruftied 
with his drawn fword among the thickeft of the 
combatants. Encouraged by the prefence of 
their general, the Spaniards returned to the 
charge with fuch vigour, that they gradually 
forced their way up the iteps, and drove the 
Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. 
There a dreadful carnage began ; when two 
young Mexicans of high rank, obferving Cortes, 
as he animated his foldiers, refolved to facrifice 
their own lives in order to cut off the author of 
fo many calamities which defolated their coun- 
try. They approached him in a fuppliant pof- 
ture, as if they intended to lay down their arms ; 
and feizing him in a moment, hurried him to- 
wards the battlements, over which they threw 
themlelves headlong, in hopes of dragging him 
along with them. But Cortes, by his flrength 
and agility, difengaged himfelf from their grafp -y 
fo that the two Mexicans perifhed alone. 

As foon as the Spaniards became mafters of 
the tower, they let fire to it, and without fur- 
ther moleftation coDtinued the preparations for 

their 



OF AMERICA. 159 

their ret?eat. This became the more necefTary, 
as their enemies, artonifhed at this laft effort of 
their valour, had now entirely changed their fyf- 
tern of hoftility ; and, inftead of incefTant attacks, 
endeavoured by barricading the ftreets, and 
breaking down the caufeways, to cut off the 
communication of the Spaniards with the conti- 
nent, and thus to ftarve an enemy whom they 
could not fub^lue. The firft point to be deter- 
mined was, whether they fhouid march out open- 
ly in the face of day, when they could difcern' 
every danger, or whether they (hould endeavour 
to retire fecreily in the night. The latter was 
preferred, partly from hopes that the fuperrtition 
of the Mexicans would prevent them from at- 
tacking them in the night, and partly from their 
own fuperftition in giving credit to the predic- 
tions of a private ioldier, who pretended to af- 
trology, and aflured them of fuccefs if they re- 
treated in this manner. Towards midnight, 
therefore, they began their march, in three di- 
vifions. Sandoval led the van •, Pedro Alvarado 
and Velafquez de Leon had the condu6t of the 
rear; and Cortes commanded in the centre, 
where he placed the prifoners, among whom 
were a fon and two daughters of Montezuma, to- 
gether with feveral Mexicans of di(tin6tion ; the 
artillery, b*ggage, and a portable bridge of tim- 
ber intended to be laid over the breaches in the 
caufeway. They marched in profound filence 
along the caufeway which led to Tacuba, becaufe 
it was fhorter than any of the rell, and, lying 
molt remote from the road towards Tlafcala and 
the fea-coaft, had been left mofl entire by the 
Mexicans. 

They 



160 GENERAL HISTORY 

They reached the firft breach in the caufeway 
without moleftation, hoping that their retreat 
was undifco veered. Bat the Mexicans had not 
only watched all their motions, but made prepa- 
rations for a moft formidable attack. While the 
Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridges 
in the breach, and occupied in conducing thtir 
horfes and artillery along it, they werefuddenly 
alarmed with the found of warlike inftruments, 
and found themfelves afliiulted on all fides by an 
innumerable multitude of enemies. Unfortu- 
nately the wooden bridge was wedged fo fait in 
the mud by the weight of the artillery, that it 
was impoflible to remove it. Difmayed at this 
accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipita- 
tion to the fecond breach. The Mexicans hem- 
med them in on every fide ; and though they de- 
fended themfelves with their ufnal courage, yet, 
crowded as they were in a narrow caufeway, 
their difcipline and military flcill were of little 
avail ; nor did the obfcurity of the night allow 
them to derive much advantage from their fire- 
arms or the fuperiority of their other weapons. 
At lafl: the Spaniards, overborne with the num- 
bers of their enemies, began to give way, and in 
a moment the confufion was univerfal. Cortes, 
with about 100 foot-foldiers, and a few horfe, 
forced his way over the two remaining breaches 
in the caufeway, the bodies of the dead ferving 
to fill up the chafms, and reached the main land. 
Having formed them as foon as they arrived, he 
returned with fuch as were yet capable of fer- 
vice, to aflifl his friends in their retreat. He 
met with a part of his foldiers who had forced 
their way through the enemy, but found many 

more 



OF AMERICA. 161 

more overwhelmed by ihe multitude of their ag- 
gre/Tors, or perifhing in the lake; and heard the 
grievous lamentations of others whom the Mex- 
icans were caryingoff in triumph to be facrificed 
to the god of war. 

In this fatal retreat more than one half of 
Cortes*s army perifhed, together with many of- 
ficers of diAin6l:ion. Ail the artillery, ammuni- 
tion, and baggage, were loll ; the greater part 
of the horfes and above 2000 Tlafcalans were 
kiiled» and only a very fmall part of their trea- 
fure laved. The firil care of the Spanidi general 
was to find feme (helter for his wearied troops; 
for, as the Mexicans infcded them on every fide, 
and the people of TacvHa began to take arms, 
he could not continue in his prcfent ftation. At 
lafl he difcovered a temple feated on an eminence, 
in which he found not only the (helter he want- 
ed, but fome provifions •, and though the enemy 
did not intermit their attacks throughout the day, 
they were v/ithonr ranch difliculty prevented 
from making anv impreiTion. For fix days after, 
they continued rheir march through a barren, ill 
cultivated, and thinly peopled country, where 
ihcy were often obliged fo feed on berries, roots, 
and rhe ftdks of green m.iize ; at the fame time 
they were haraffed wirhout intermiffion by large 
parties of Mexicans, who attacked them on all 
fides. On the fixth day they reached Oiumba, 
not far from the road between Mexico and Tlaf- 
cala. Early next morning they began to advance 
towards it, flying parties of the enemy flill hang- 
ing on their rear; and amidft the infuits with 
which they accompanied their hoffihties, Donna 
Marina remarked, that they often exclaimed 

■ with 



162 GENERAL HISTORY 

with exultation, ** Go on, robbers ; go to the 
plact: where you fhall quickly meet the vengeance 
due lo your crimes.'* The meaning of this threat 
the Spaniards did not comprehend, until they 
reached the fummit of an eminence before them. 
There a fpacious valley opened to their view, co- 
vered with a vaft army as far as the eye could 
reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of 
their troops they harafled the Spaniards in their 
retreat, had afTembled their principal force on 
the other fide of the lake; and marching along 
the road which led dlre6tly to Tlafcala, pofled 
it in the plain of Otumba, through which they 
knew Cortes mufl part. At the fight of this in- 
credible multitude, which they could i'urvey at 
once from the rifing ground, the Spaniards were 
afloniflied, and even, the boldeft began to dif- 
pair. But Cortes, without allowing their fears 
time to operate, after warning them briefly that 
no alternative remained but to conquer or die, 
led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans 
waited their approach with nnufijal fortitude : 
yet fuch was the fuperiority of the Spanifh difci- 
pline and arms, that the impreffion of tnis rmali 
body was irrefiftable; and which ever way its 
force was directed, it penetrated and difperfed 
the moft numerous battalions. But while thefe 
gave way in one quarter, new combatants ad- 
vanced from another ; and the Sp uiiards, though 
fuccefsful in every attack, were ready to fink un- 
der thefe repeated efforts, v/ithout feeing any 
end to their toil, or any hope of viflory. At 
that time Cortes obferved the great ftandard of 
the empire, which was carried before the Mex- 
ican general, advancing; and fortunately recol- 

le«flin!:! 



OF AMERICA. les 

leaing to have heard, that on the fate of it de- 
pended the event of every battle, he aflembled a 
few of his bravefl officers, whofe horfes were 
flill capable of fervice, and, placing himfelf at 
their head, pufhed towards the flandard with 
fuch impetuofity that he bore aown every thing 
before him. A chv^jfen body of nobles, who 
guarded the flandard, made fome refiflance, but 
were foon broken. Cortes, with a flroke of his 
lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw 
him to the ground. One of his followers alight- 
ing, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the 
imperial ftandard. The moment that their leader 
fdj, and the flandard, towards which all direc- 
ted their eyes, difappeared, an univerf^il panic 
(truck the Mexicans ; and, as if the bond which 
held them together had been diffolved, every en- 
fign was lowered, each foldier threw away his 
weapons, and fied with precipitation to the 
mountains. The Spaniards, unable to puriue 
them far, returned to colledl the fpoiib of the 
field ; and thefc were fo valuable as to be fome 
compenlation for the wealth which they had loft 
in Mexico ; for in the enemy's army were moft 
of their principal warriors drefTed out in their 
richeil: ornamenta, as if they had been marching 
to afTured victory. 

The day after*this important a<5lion (berng July 
8th 1520), the Spaniards entered the riafcaian 
territories, where they were received with the 
moft cordial friendship. Cortes endeavoured to 
avail himfelf of this difpofiiion as much as pofTi- 
ble j for which purpofe he diftributed among 
them the rich fpoils taken at Otumba with (uch 
a liberal hand, that he made himfelf fure of ob- 

taining 



164 GENERAL HISTORY 

taining from the republic whatever he fhould de- 
fire. He drew a fmall fupply of amunition, and 
two or three field-pieces from his (lores at Vera 
Cruz. He difpatched an officer of confidence 
with four fhips of Narvaez's Beet to Hifpaniola 
and Jamaica, to engage adventurers, and to pur- 
chafe horfes, gunpowder, and other military 
flores. And as he knew that it would be in vain 
to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unlefs he 
could fecure the command of the lake, he gave 
orders to prepare, in the mountains oi Tlafcala, 
materials for building 12 brigantines, i'o that 
they might be earned thither in pieces, ready to 
be put together, and launched when he flood ia 
need of their fervice. Bur, in the mean time, 
his foldiers, alarmed at the thoughts of being 
expoled to fuch calamities a fecond time, pre- 
fented a remonftrance to their general, in which 
they reprefcnted the imprudence of attacking a 
powerful empire with his (battered forces, and 
formally required him to return back to Cuba. 
All the eloquence of Cortes could now only pre- 
vail with them to delay their departure for fome 
time, when he promifed to difmifs fuch as (liould 
defire it. However, this was only a pretence j 
for Cortes, in fa6t, had the conqueft of Mexico 
as much at heart as 4ver. Without giving his 
foldiers an opportunity of caballing, therefore, 
he daily employed them againfl the people 
of the neighbouring provinces, who had 
cut off fome detachments of Spaniards during 
his misfortunes at Mexico 5 and by which as he 
was conftantly attended with fuccefs, his men 
foon refumed their wonted lenfe of fuperiority. 

But 



©F AMERICA. 1(55 

But all the efforts of Corces could have been 
of little avail, had he not unexpe(5ledly obtained 
a reinforcement of Spanifh foldiers. The go- 
vernor of Cuba, to whom the fuCcefs of Narvaez 
appeared an event of infaliibl'j certainty, having 
fent tWo fmall fliips after him v/ith newinftruc- 
tlons, and a fupply of men and inilitary (lores, 
the officer whom Cortes had appointed to com- 
mand on the coaft artfully decoyed them into 
the harbour of Vera Cruz, feized the vefTelS) 
and eafily perfuaded the foldiers to follow the 
ftandard of a more able leader than him vvhom 
they were delVmed to join. Soon after, three 
fhips of more confr.'erable force came into the 
harbour feparately. Fhefe belonged to an arma- 
ment fitted out by Francilco de Garay, governor 
of Jamaica, who had long aimed at dividing 
with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing the 
empire of Mexico to the crown of Caltile. fhey 
had, however, unadvifedly made their attempt 
on the northern provinces, where the country 
was poor, and the inhabitauts fierce and warlike j 
Co that, after a fucceflion of difafters, they were 
now obliged to venture into Vera Cruz, and cafl 
themfelves upon the mercy of their countrymen j 
and here they alfo were foon perfuaded to throw 
off their allegiance to their maffer, and to enlift 
with Cortes. About the lame time a ftiip arriv- 
ed from Spain, freighted by fome private adven- 
turer?, With military (lores ; and the cargo was 
eagerly purchafed by Cortes, while the crew 
following the example of the reit, joined him at 
Tlafcaia, 

From thefe various quarters, the army of Cor- 
tes was augmented with 180 men and 20 borfes; 
P by 



166 GENERAL HISTORY 

by which means he was enabled to difmifs fiich 
of the foldiers of Narvaez as were moft trouble- 
fomc and difcontented ; after the departure of 
whom he flill muftered 550 infantry, of whom 
80 men were armec^ with muflcets or crofs-bows, 
40 horfemen, and nine pieces of artillery. At 
the head of thefe, with 10,000 Tlafcalans and 
other friendly Indians, he began his march to- 
wards Mexico, on the 28th of December, fix 
months after his fatal retreat from that city. 

The Mexicans, in the mean time, had made 
the beft preparations they could for oppofing fnch 
a formidable enemy. On the death of Monte- 
zuma, his brother Qu^etlavaca was raifed to the 
throne ; and he had an immediate opportunity of 
ihowing that he was worthy of their choice, by 
conducing in perfon thofe fierce attacks, which 
obliged the Spaniards to retire from his capital. 
His prudence in guarding againfl the return of 
the invaders was equal to the fpirit he had Ihown 
in driving them out. He repaired what the 
Spaniards had ruined in the city, ftrengthened it 
with fuch fortifications as his people could ere6l ; 
and befides filling his magazines with the ufual 
implements of war, gave dire(51ions to make long 
ipears, headed with the fwords and daggers 
which they had taken from the Spaniards, in or- 
der to annoy the cavalry. But in the midft of 
thcfe preparations he was taken off by the fmall- 
poxj and Guatiraozin, his nephew and fon-in- 
law, raifed to the throne. 

As foon as Cortes entered the enemy's territo-. 
ries, lie difcovered various preparations to ob- 
rtru(5l his progrefs. But his troops forced their 
way with little difficulty j and took pofieffion of 

Tezcuco, 



OF AMERICA. 107 

Tezcuco, the fecond city of the emphe, fituated 
on the banks of the lake, about 20 miles from 
Mexico. Here he determined to efliblifh his 
head quarters, as the moll proper ftation for 
launching his brigantines, as well as for making 
his approaches to the capital. In order to ren- 
der his refidence there more lecure, he depofed 
the cazique or chief, who was at the head of 
that community under pretence of fome defe6f in 
his title, and fubllituted in his place a perfon 
whom a fad ion of the nobles pointed out as the 
ri.fTht heir of that dignity. Attached to him by 
this benelit, the new cazique and his adherents 
ierved the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. 

As the conftru^lon of the brigantines advanc- 
ed (lowly under the unfkilful hands of foldiers 
and Indian?, whom Cortes was obliged to em- 
ploy in airiiling three or four carpenters who hap- 
pened fortunately to be in his fervice, and as he 
had not yet received the reinforcement which he 
expected from Ilifpaniola, he was not in a con- 
dition to turn his arms direcflly againft the capi- 
tal. To have attacked a city {"o populous, lb 
well prepared for defence, and in a fituation of 
fuch peculiar flrength, mud have expofed his 
troops to inevitable deflruc5fion. Three months 
elapfed before the materials for conn:ru(n:lng the ' 
brigantines were finifhed, and before h° heard 
any thing with refpe(51: to the fuccefs of his ncgo- 
ciation in Hifpaniola. This, however, was not 
a feafon of inacTtion to Cortes. He attacked fac- 
ceffiveiy feveral of the towns fituated around the 
lake ; and though all the Mexican power was eX' 
erted to obllruifl his operations, he either com- 
pelled them to fubmit to the Spini(h crown, or 

reduced 



168 GENERAL HISTORY 

reduced them to ruins. Other towns he endea- 
voured to conciliate by more gentle means ; and 
though he could not hold any intercourfe with 
the inhabitants but by the intervention of inter- 
preters, yet, under all the diradvantage of that 
tedious and imperfe(5f mode of communication, 
he had acquired fuch thorough knowledge of the 
ftate of the country, as well as of the difpofitions 
of the people, that he conducted his negociations 
and intrigues with aftonifhing dexterity and fuc- 
cels. Mod of the cities adjacent to Mexico 
M'ere originally the capitals of fmall independent 
flatcs ; and fome of them having been but lately 
annexed to the Mexican empire, ftill retained the 
remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore 
with impatience the rigorous yof^e of their new 
mailers. Cortes having early obferved fymptoms 
of their difaffeifHon, availed himfelf of this know- 
ledge to gain their confidence and friendfl/ip. 
By offering with confidence to deliver them from 
the odious dominion of the Mexicans, and by 
liberal promiies of more indulgent treatment if 
ihcy v/ould unite with him v.g?':{\ their oppref- 
fors, he prevailed on the people of feveral confi- 
derabk di{lri(fi:s, not only to acknowledge the 
king of Cadile as their fovereign, but to iupply 
the Spani(h camp with provifions, and to 
flrengthen his army with auxiliary troops. Gua- 
timozin, on the firft appearance of defe(^lion 
among his fubjecls, exerted himfelf with vigour 
to prevent or to punifli their revolt j but, in fpite 
of his efforts, the fpirit continued to fpread. 
The Spaniards gradually acquired new allies •, 
and with deep concern he beheld Cortes arming 
againfl his empire thofe very hands which ought 

to 



OF AMERICA. 169 

to have been a£\ive in his defence, and ready to 
advance againft the capital at the head of a nu- 
merous body of his own fubje<fts. 

While, by thefe various methods, Cortes was 
gradually circumfcribing the Mexican power 
within fuch narrow limits that his profpe6l of 
ovei turning it Teemed neither to be uncertain nor 
remote, all his fchemes were well nigh defeated 
by a confpiracy againfl his own perfon, and 
which was difcovered only a fliort time before it 
was to have been executed. Though many were 
concerned, Cortes did not think proper to punifli 
any more than the principal ringleader, whom 
he cauied immediately to be hanged -, and then, 
without allowing ihem leifure to ruminate on 
"what had happened, and as the moft effeiftual 
means of preventing the return of a mutinous 
fpirit, he determined to call forth his troops im- 
mediately to a(5lion. Fortunately a proper occa- 
fion for this occured, without his feeming to 
court it. He received intelligence, that the ma- 
terials for building the brigantines were at length 
completely finiOied, and waited only for a body 
of Spaniards to condufl them to Tezcuco. The 
command of this convoy, confining of 200 foot- 
foldiers, 15 horfemen, and 2 lield-pieces, he 
gave to Sandoval, who by the vigilance, activity, 
and courage, which he manifelled on every oc- 
cafion, was growing daily in his confidence, and 
in the eftimation of his fellow-foldiers. The 
fervice was no lefs fingular than important ; the 
beams, the planks, the mails, the cordage, the 
fails, the iron-work, and all the infinite variety 
of articles requifite for the conftru£^ion of 13 

brigantines 



170 GENERAL HISTORY 

brigantlnes were to be carried 60 miles over land, 
through a mountainous country, by people who 
were unacquainted with the miniftry of domeftic 
animals, or the aid of machines to facilitate any 
work of labour- The Tlafcalans furniPaed 8000 
TameneSi an inierior order of men defined for fer- 
vile talks, to carry the materials on their fhonlders, 
and appointed 15,000 warriors to accompany 
and defend them. Sandoval made the difpofition 
for their progrefs with great propriety, placing 
the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors 
in the front, another in the rear, with confider- 
able parties to cover the flanks. To each of 
thefe he joined Tome Spaniards, not only to afTid 
them in danger, but to accaftom them to regu- 
larity and fubordination. Parties of Mexicans 
frequently appeared hovering around them on 
the high grounds : but perceiving no profpeit of 
luccefs in attacking an enemy continually on his 
guard, and prepared to receive them, they did 
not venture to moleft him •, and Sandoval had 
the glory of conducting fafely to Tczcuco a con- 
voy on which all the future operations of his 
countrymen depended. 

This was followed by another event of no lefs 
moment. Four fliips arrived at Vera Cruz from 
Hifpaniola, with 200 foldiers, 80 horfes, two 
battering cannon, and a confiderable iupply of 
ammunition and arms. Elevated with obferving 
that all his preparatory fchemes, either for re- 
cruiting his own army or impairing the force of 
the enemy, had now produced their full effe(5l, 
Cortes, impatient to begin the fiege in form, 
haftened the launching of the brigantines. To 
facilitate this, he had employed a vafl nusnber 

of 



OF AMERICA. 171 

of Indians, for two months, in deepening the 
fmall rivulet which runs by Tezeuco into the 
lake, and in forming it into a canal near two 
miles in length; and though the Mexicans, aware 
of his intentions, as well as of the danger which 
threatened them, endeavoured frequently to in- 
terrupt the labourers, or to burn the brigantines, 
the work was at la(t completed. On the 28rh 
of April, all the Spanifli troops, together with 
auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks 
of the canal; and with extraordinary military" 
pomp, heightened and rendered more folemn by 
the celebration of the moil facred rites of reli- 
gion, the brigantines were launched. As they 
fell down the canal in order. Father Qlmedo 
bleffed them, and gave each its name. Every 
eye followed them with wonder and hope, until 
they entered the lake, when they hoifled their 
fails, and bore away before the wind. A gene- 
ral Ihout of joy was raifed ; all admiring that 
bold inventive genius, which, by means io ex- 
traordinary, that their fuccefs almoft exceeded 
belief, had acquired the command of a fleer, 
without the aid of which Mexico would have 
continued to fet the Spanifh power and arms at 
defiance. 

Cortes determined to attack the city from three 
different quarters ; from Tezeuco on the eaft fide 
of the lake, from Tacuba on the wefl, and from 
Cuyocan towards the fouth. Thofe towns were 
Jituated on the principal cauieways which led to 
the capital, and intended for their defence. He 
appointed Sandoval to command in the firfl, Pe- 
dro de Alvarado in the fecond, and ChriAoval 
de Olid^in the third ; allotting to each a nume- 
rous 



172 GENERAL HISTORY 

rous body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an 
equal divifion of Spaniards, who, by the junction 
of the troops from Hifpaniola, an:iounted now to 
86 horlemen, and 8 1 8 foot foldiers ; of whom 
lis were armed with mnfkets or crof<-bows. 
Their train of artillery confifted of three batter- 
ing cannon, and 3 5 field-pieces. He refcrved 
for himielf, as the ftation of greateft importance 
and danger, the condu(ft of the brigantines, each 
armed with one of his fmail cannon, and manned 
with 25 Spaniards. 

As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the 
pofts affigned them, they broke down the aque- 
duffs which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had 
ere<51ed for conveying water into the capita), and, 
by the diftrefs to which this reduced the inhabi- 
tants, gave a beginning to the calamities which 
they were deffined to fuffer. Alvarado and Olid 
found the towns, of which they were ordered to 
take p'jfTeffion, defcrted by their inhabitants, 
who had fled for fafety to the capital, where 
Guatimozin had collecfted the chief force of his 
empire, as there alone he could hope to make a 
fuccefsfui ftand againft the formidable enemies 
who were approaching to afTault him. 

The firft effort of the Mexicans was to deftroy 
the (ket of brigantines, the fatal effeds of whofe 
operations they forefliw and dreaded. Though 
the brigantines after all the labour and merit of 
Cortes in forming them, were of incoufiderable 
bulk, rudely conffru<5fed, and manned chiefly 
with landmen, hardly pofTeffed of fkill enough 
to condu<n: them, they muft have been objecffs of 
terror to a people unacquainted with any navi- 
gation but that of their lake, and rofTefTcd of no 

vefTel 



OF AMERICA. 173 

velfel larger than a canoe. Ncceflity, however, 
urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack •, and 
hoping to fupply by numbers what he wanted in 
force, he aflembled fuch a mullirude of canoes 
as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on 
boldly to the charge, while the brigantines, re- 
tarded by a dead calm, could fcarcely advance 
to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a 
breeze fuddenly fprung up •, in s moment the 
fails were fpread, and the brigantines with irre- 
fjflible impetuofity broke their feeble opponents, 
overfet many canoes, and dillipated the whole 
armament with inch (laughter, as convinced the 
Mexicans, that the progrels of the Europeans 
in knowledge and arts rendered their luperiority 
greater on this new element than they had hi- 
therto found it by land. 

From that time Cones remained mader of the 
lake : and the brigantines not only preferved a 
communication between the Spaniards in their 
different Itations, though at conficlerable diflance 
from each other ; but were employe-.! to cover 
the caufeways on each fide, and keep cfF the ca- 
noes, when they attempted to annoy the troops 
as they advanced towards the ciiy. He formed 
the brigantines in three divifions, allotting one 
to each flation, with orders to (econd the opera- 
tions of the officer who commanded there. From 
all the three ftations he pu fined on the attack 
againft the city with equal vigour *, but in a man- 
ner fo very different from that whereby lieges 
are condu£led in a regular war, as might appear 
no lels improper than lingular to perlbns unac- 
quainted with his fituation. Each morning his 
troops alTauked the barricades which the enemy 

had 



174 GENERAL HISTORY 

had erected on the caufeways, forced their way 
over the trenches which they had dug, and 
through the canals where the bridges were 
broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate in- 
to the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining 
fome decillve advantage, which might force the 
enemy to furrender, and terminate the war at 
once ; but when the obfVmate valour of the Mex- 
icans rendered the efforts of the day inefFe61ual, 
the Spaniards retired in the evening to their for- 
mer quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, 
in fome meafure, continually renewed, the Mex- 
icans repairing in the night what the Spaniards 
had deflroyed through the day, and recovering 
the pofts from which they had driven them. But 
necefTity prefcribed this flow and untoward mode 
of operation. The number of his troops was (6 
fmalJ, that Cortes durft not, with a handful of 
men, attempt to make a lodgment in a ciiy where 
he might be furrounded and annoyed by fuch a 
muhitude of enemies. The remembrance of what 
he had already fuffered by the ill-judged confi- 
dence v^ith which he had ventured into fuch a 
dangerous fjtuation, was flill frefh in his mind. 
The Spaniards, exhaulfed with fatigue, were un- 
able to guard the viirious poOs which they daily 
gained : and though their camp was filled with 
Indian auxiliaries, they durft not devolve this 
charge upon them, becaufe they were fo little 
accullomed to dilcipline, that no confidence could 
be placed in their vigilance. Befides this, Cor- 
tes was extremely foiicitous to preferve the city 
as much as pofTible from being deftroycd, both 
as he (kftined it to be the capital of his conquefls, 
and wiflied that it miqht remain as a monument 

of 



OF AMERICA. 175 

of his glory. From all thefe confiderations, he 
adhered obftinately, for a month after the fiege 
was opened, to the lyrtem which he had adopted. 
The Mexicans, in their own defence, difphiyed 
valour which was hardly inferior to that with 
which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, 
on water, by night and by day, one furious con- 
flift fucceeded to another. Several Spaniards 
were killed, more wounded, and all were ready 
to fink under the toils of unintermitting fervice, 
which were rendered more intolerable by the in- 
juries of the feafon, the periodical rains being 
now fet in with their ufual violence. 

Aftonifhed and difconcerted with the length 
and difficulties of the fiege, Cortes determined 
to make one great effort to get pofTefTion of the 
city before he relinquifhed the plan which he 
had hitherto followed, and had recourfe to any 
other mode of attack. With this view, he fent 
inftruffions to Alvarado and Sandoval to advance 
with their divifions to a general afFault, and took 
the command in perfon of that pofled on the 
caufeway of Cuyocan. Animated by his prefence, 
and the expecTtation of fome decifive event, the 
Spaniards puflied forward with irrefiftible impe- 
tuofity. They broke through one barricade af- 
ter another, forced their way over the ditches 
and canals, and having entered the city, gained 
grounti incefTantly, in Ipite of the multitude and 
ferocity of their opponents. Cortep, though de- 
lighted with the lapidity of hi^ progrefs, did not 
forget that he might fUll find it necefTuy to re- 
treat and in order to fecure it, appointed Julian 
de Alderete, a captain of chief note in the troops 
which he had received from Hifpaniola, to fill 

up 



176 , GENERAL HISTORY 

up the canals and gaps in the caufeway as the 
main budy advanced. That officer deeming it 
inglorious to be thus employed, while his com- 
panions were in the heat of a6lion and the career 
of vi(5lory, nL'gle<ftc!d the important charge com- 
mitted to him, and hurried on inconfuier ttely to 
mingle with the combatants The Mexicans, 
whofe military attention and (kill were daily im- 
proving, no fooner oblerved this, than they car- 
ried an account of ir to their monarch. 

Guatimozin inflantly difcerned the confe- 
quences of the error which the Spaniards had 
committed, and, with admirable prefence of mind, 
prepared to take advantage of it. He command- 
ed the troops poiled in the front to fiacken their 
efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to pufh 
forward, while he defpatched a large body of 
chofen warriors through different flreets fome by 
land, and others by water, towards the great 
breach in the caufew ly, which had been left 
open. On a fignal which he gave, the priefls in 
the great temple ftrnck the great drum confccrat- 
ed to the god of war. No fooner did the Mex- 
icans hear its doleful folemn found, calculated 
to infpire them with contempt of death and with 
enthufiaftic ardour, than they rufhed upon the 
enemy with frantic rage. I'he Spaniard.-, unable 
to refifl men urged on no lels by religious fury 
than hope of fuccefs, began to retire at firll lei- 
furely, and with a good countenance : but as the 
enemy prefTed on, and their own impatience to 
efcapc increalbd, the terror and confufion became 
fo general, that when they arrived at the gap in 
the caufeway, Spaniards and Tlafcalans, horfe- 
men and inf:intry, plunged in promifcuoufly, 

while 



^F AMERICA. 177 

while the Mexicans rurtied upon tliem fiercely 
from every fide, their light canoes carrying them 
through fhoals which the brigantines could not 
approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to flop 
and rally his flying troops ; fear rendered them 
regardlefs of his intreaties or commands. Find- 
ing all h/s endeavours to renew the combat fruit- 
lefs, his next care was to fave fome of them who 
had thrown themfelves into the water; but 
while thus employed, with more attention to 
their firuation than to his own, fix Mexican cap- 
tains fnddenly laid hold of him, and were hur- 
rying him off in triumph; and though two of 
his officers refcued him at the expenfe of their 
own lives, he received feveral dangerous wounds 
before he could break loofe. Above 60 Span- 
iards perifhed in the rout; and what rendered 
the difalfer more affliaing, 40 of thefe fell alive 
into the hands of an enemy never known to fliew 
mercy to a captive. 

The approach of night, though it delivered 
the dejected Spaniards from the attacks of the 
enemy, uihered in, what was hardly lefs griev- 
ous, the noife of their barbarous triumph,, and 
of the horrid feUival with which they celebrated 
thcfr vj(fVory. Ev-ry quarter of the city was il- 
luminated ; the great tempU fiionewith fuch pe- 
cuhir Iplendor; ^hat the Spaniards could plainly 
iee the people in motion, and the prielfs bufy in 
hafieni.)g the preparations for the death of the 
prilbiurs. Through the gloom they fancied that 
they adeemed their companions by the whitenefs 
of their ficin^., as they were ftripped naked and 
compelled to dauce before the image of the god 

to 



178 GENERAL HISTORY 



to whom they were to be offered. They heard 
the fhrieks of thofe who were lacrificed, and 
thought they could diftinguidi each unhappy vie* 
tim by the well-known found of his voice. Ima- 
gination added to what they really faw or heard, 
and augmented its horror. The moft unfeeling 
melted into tears of compaffion, and the ftouteft 
heart trembled at the dreadful fpeftacle which 
they beheld. 

Cortes, who, beiides all that he felt in com- 
mon with his foldiers, was opprefTed with the 
additional load of anxious refieftions natural to 
a general on fuch an unexpe6fed calamity, could 
not like them relieve his mind by giving vent to 
its anguiQi. He was obliged to afTume an air of 
tranquillity in order to revive the fpirits and 
hopes of his followers. The junfture, indeed, 
required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. 
The Mexicans, elated with their victory, failied 
out next morning to attack him in his quarters. 
But they did not rely on the efforts of their own 
arms alone ; they fent the heads of the Span- 
iards whom they had facrificed, to the leading 
men in the adjacent provinces, and afTured them 
that the god of war appeafed by the blood of 
their invaders, which had been fhed io plentiful- 
ly on his altars, had declared with an audible 
voice, that in eight days time thofe hated ene- 
mies fhould be finally def\royed, and peace and 
profperity re-eflabliihcd in the empire. 

A prediflion, uttered with Inch confidence, 
and in terms fo void of ambiguity, gained uni- 
verfal credit among a people prone to fuperf^i- 
tion. The zeal of the provinces which had al- 
ready declared againfl the Spaniards augmented, 

and 



OF AMERICA. 179 

and leveral which had hitherto remained ina(^ive 
took arms with enthufiaftic ardour to execute 
the decrees of the gods. The Indian auxiliaries 
who had joined Cortes, accuftomed to venerate 
the fame deities with the Mexicans, and to re- 
ceive the refponfes of their priefts with the fame 
implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race 
of men devoted to certain deftruftion. Even the 
fidelity of the Tiafcalans was (haken, and the 
Spanifti troops were left almoft alone in their Na- 
tions. Cortes, finding that he attempted in 
vain to difpel the luperftitious fears of his confe- 
derates by argument, took advantage, from the 
imprudence of thofe who had framed the pro- 
phecy in fixing its accomplirhment fo near at 
hand, to give them a ftriking demonftration of 
its falfiiy. He fufpended all military operations 
during the period marked out by the oracle. Un- 
der cover of the brigantines, which kept the 
army at n diftance, his troops lay in fafety and 
the fatal term expired without any difafter. 

His allies, aihamed of their own credulity, re- 
turned to their flation. Other tribes, judging 
that the gods, who had now deceived the Mexi- 
cans, had decreed finally to withdraw their pro- 
tection from them, joined his ffandard-, and 
fuch was the levity of a fimple people, moved by 
every fiight impreflion, that, in a fhort time af- 
ter fuch a general defe<5Vlon of his confederates, 
Cortes faw himfelf, if we may believe his own 
account, at the head of 150,000 Indians. Even 
with fuch a numerous army, he found it necefTa- 
ry to adopt a new and more wary fyftem of ope- 
ration. Inftead of renewing his attempts to 
become mailer of the city at once, by luch bold 

but 



180 GENEI^AL HISTORY 



but dangerous efforts of valour as he had already 
tried, he made his advances gradually, and with 
every poffible precuation againft expofing his 
men to any calamity fimilar to that which they 
{till bewailed. As the Spaniards pufhed for- 
ward, the Indians regularly repaired the caufe- 
ways behind them. As foon as they got pofTef- 
iion of any part of the town the houfes were in- 
ftantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, 
the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies 
gained ground, were hemmed in within more 
narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to 
Aop the career of the enemy, continued to defend 
his capital with obftinate refolution, and difputed 
every inch of ground. But the Spaniards, hav- 
ing not only varied their mode of attack, but, 
by order of Cortes, having changed the weapons 
with which they fought, Were again armed with 
the long Chinantlan fpears, which they had em- 
ployed with fuch fuccefs againfl Narvaez ; and, 
by the firm array in which this enabled them to 
range themfelves, they repelled, with little dan- 
ger, the loofe aflliult of the Mexicans : incredi- 
ble numbers of them fell in the confiifts, which 
they renewed every day. While war waOed 
without, famine began to con fume them within 
the city. The Spanifli brigantines, having the 
entire command of the lake, rendered it irapofli- 
ble to receive any fupply of provifions by water. 
The vaft number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled 
Cortes to fhut up the avenues, to the city by 
land. The flores, which Guatimozin had laid 
up were exhaufled by the multitudes which 
crowded into the capital to defend their fovereign 
and the temples of their gods. Not only the 

people, 



OF AMERICA. 181 

people, bun perfons of the higheft rank, felt the 
utmoO: diftrefTes of want. What they fuffered 
brought on infeflious anJ mortal diftempers, the 
lafl: calamity ihat vifits befjegvd cities, and which 
filled up the meafiare of their woes. 

But, under the nrefllire of fo many and 
fuch various evils, the fpirit of Guatimozin re- 
mained firm and unfubdued. He reje^fted with 
fcorn every overture of peace from Cortes •, and 
difdaining the idea of fubmiiting to the oppref- 
fors of his country, determined not to furvive its 
ruin. The Spaniards continued their progrefs. 
At length all the three divifions penetrated into 
the great fquare in the centre of the city, and 
made a fecure lodgment there. Three-fourths 
or the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins. 
The remai;i;ng quarter was fo clofely preffed, 
th:!t it could noc long withlland afTailants who at- 
tacked it from their new flation with fuperior ad- 
vantage, and moreafTured expeflation of fuccefs. 
The Mexican nobles, felicitous to fave the life 
of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on 
Guatimozin to retire from a place where refift- 
ance was now vain, that he might roufe the more 
dillant provinces of the empire to arms, and 
maintain there a more iucccfsful llruggle with 
the public enemy. In order to facilitate the ex- 
ecution of this meafure, they endeavoured to 
nmufe Cortes Vv'ith overtures of fubmiffion, that 
while his atten Ion wag employed in adjulVmg the 
articles of pacilication, Guatimozin might elcape 
un perceived. But they made this attempt upon 
a leader of or'-..:ter f'.gacity and difcernment than 
to be deceived by their arts. Cortes fufpe6ling 

their 
0.2 



182 GENERAL HISTORY 

their intention, and aware of what moment it 
was to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer 
on whofe vigilance he conld mod perfectly rely, 
to take the commcind of the brigantines, with 
Ari<5l injun6Vions to watch every motion of the 
enemy, Sandoval, attentive to the charge, ob- 
ferving ibms large canoes crowded with people 
rowing along the lake with extraordinary rapidi- 
ty, inltantly gave the fignal to chafe. Gracia 
Holgnin, who commanded the fleeteft brigan- 
tine, loon overtook them, and was preparing to 
fire on the foremoft canoe, which feemed to car- 
ry fome perlbn whom all the reft followed and 
obeyed. At once the rowers dropt their oars, 
and all on board, throwing down their arms, 
conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as 
ihe emperor was there. Holguin eagerly feized 
his prize : and Guatimozin, with a dignified com- 
pofure, gave himfelf up into his hands, requeft- 
ing only that no infult might be offered to the 
emprefs or his children. When condufled to 
Cortes, he appeared neither with thefullen fierce- 
nefs of a barbarian, nor with the dejecSlion of a 
fupplicant. <* I have done," faid he, rddrefTing 
himfelf to the Spanifh general, " what became 
a monarch. I have defended my people to the 
laft extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. 
Take this dagger," laying his hand on one which 
Copies wore, •* plant it in my breaft, and put 
an end to a life which can no longer be of ufe." 
As foon as the fate of their fovereign was 
known, the refifiance of the Mexicans ceafed ; 
and Cortes took pofTefTion of that fmall part of 
the capital which yet remained undeflroyed. 
Thus terminated the fiege of Mexico, the moft 

memorable 



OF AMERICA. 183 

memorable event in the conqueft of America. 
It continued 75 days, hardly one of which pafTed 
without fome extraordinary effort of one party 
in the attack, or of the other in the defence of 
a city, on the fate of which both knew that the 
fortune of the empire depended. As the ftruggle 
here was more obflinate, it was likewife more 
equal, than aay between the inhabitants of the 
old and New Worlds. The great abilities of 
Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the pe- 
culiar fituation of his capital, fo far counter- 
balanced the fuperiority of the Spaniards in arms 
and difcipline, that they mud have relinquilhed 
the enterprife, if they trufted for fuccefs to them- 
felves alone. But Mexico was overturned by 
the jealoufy of neighbours who dreaded its pow- 
er, and by the revolt of fubje^fs impatient to 
fhake off its yoke. By their etfe^fual aid, Cor» 
tes was enabled to accomplifli what, without 
fuch fupport^ he would hardly have ventured to 
attempt. How much foe ver this account of the 
redufiion of Mexico may detra(fl:, on the one 
hand, from the marvellous relations of fome 
Spanifh writers, by afcribing that to fimple and 
obvious caufes which they attribute to the roman- 
tic valour of their countrymen, it adds, on the 
other, to the merit and abilities of Cortes, who 
under every difadvantage, acquired luch an af- 
cendant over unknown nations, as to render them 
inAruments towards carrying his fcheme into ex- 
ecution. 

The exultation of the Spaniards, on accom- 
plifning this arduous enterprife, was at firft ex- 
ceffive. Bur this was quickly damped by the 
cruel difappointment of thofe fanguine hopes 

which 



184 GENERAL HISTORl 

which had animated them amidft fo many hard- 
ihips and dangers. Inftead of the inexhauftible 
wealth which they expefted from becoming maf- 
ters of Montezuma's treaiures, and the ornaments 
,of fo many temples, their rapacioufnefs could 
colle6V only an inconfiderable bootv amidft ruins 
and defolation.* Guatimozin, aware of his im- 
pending fate, had ordered what remained of the 
riches amafTed by his anceftors to be thrown into 
the lake, ]^he Indian auxiliaries: while the Span- 
iards were engaged in conlii<5l with the enemy, 
had carried off the moft valuable pan of the fpoil. 
The ium to be divided among the conquerors was 
fo fmall, that many of them dif Jaincd to accept 
of the pittance which fell to their fliare, and all 
murmured and exclaimed ; fome againft Cortes 
and his confidents, whom they fufpe<flcd of hav- 
ing fccretly appropriated to their own ufe a large 
portion of tiic riches which fiiould have been 
brought into the common flock; others againft 
Guatimozin, whom they accufed of obihnncy, 
in refufipg to difcover the place where he had 
hidden his treafurc. 

Arguments, intreaties, and promifes, were 
emp'oyed in order to foothe them ; but with fo 
little effedt, that Cortes, from iolicitude to check 
this growing fpirir of difcontent, gave way to a 
dti:d which Ihiined the glory of all his great ac- 
tions. Without regarding the former dignity of 
Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for thofe 
virtues which he had difplayed, he fubje^ted the 

unhappy 

* The [;old and filver, according to Cortes, amounted on. 
Jy to I 20,000 pcfos, Kclat. 280, A, a funi far inferior to that 
Avhich the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. 



OF AMERICA. 185 

unhappj' monarch, together with bis chief fa- 
vourite, to torture, in order to force from them 
a difcovery of the royal treafures, which it was 
fuppofed they had concealed. Guaiimozin bore 
whatever the refined cruelty of his tormenters 
could inflifl, with the invincible fortitude of an 
American warrior. His fellow-fufTerer, over- 
come by the violence of the anguifh, turned a 
deje^lcd eye towards his mailer, which feemed 
to implore his permiffion to reveal all that he 
knew. But the higb-fpiritcd prince, darting on 
him a look of authority mingled with (corn, 
checked his weaknefs, by afking, " Am I now re- 
pofnig on a bed of flowers f" Over awed by fuch a 
reproach, he perfevered in his dutiful filence, and 
expired. Cortes, afliamed of a fcene fo horrid, 
refcued the royal vifSlim from the hands of his 
tortures, and prolonged a life rcferved for new 
indigaities and fufferings. 

The fate of the capital, as b'jfh parties had 
forefeen, decided that of the empire. F lie pro- 
vinces fiibmitted one after anoihtr to the con- 
querors. Sma-1 detachments of Spaniards march- 
ing throufrh them without interrupiion, pene- 
trated, in different quarters, to the great South- 
ern Ocean, wliich, according to the ideas of 
Columbus, they ' :;ni>mec: would open a ihort 
as well as eafy paffige to the Eart Indies, and 
fecure to the crown of Caftde ail the envied 
wealth cf thofe fertile regions ; and the active 
mind of Cortes began already to form fchemes 
for attempting this important difjovery. In his 
after fchrmes, however, he was dilappointed ; 
but Mexc.) h.iih ever fmce remained in the hands 
of the Spaniards. 

CHAP 



186 GENERAL HISTORY 

CHAP. XIII. 

The Dlfcovery and ConqueJ} of Peru, 



w. 



HILE Cortes and his aflbciates were 
engaged in the fubjugation of the Mexican em- 
pire, the difcoveriss which had been previonHy 
made in the ifthmus of Darien, and the fett le- 
nient of fome Spaniards at Pannama, opened 
the way to the conqueft of Peru. On the death 
of Balboa, by whom the South Sea had been 
difcovered in 15 J 3, the profecution of this 
obje6l had been for a time laid afide, the fcheme 
of Balboa having been confidered as entirely vi- 
fionary. 

Still, however, there were three perfons fet- 
tled at Panama, on whom the common opinion 
made fo little impreffion that they determined to 
go in queft of this country, looked upon to be 
chimerical by the generality of their neighbours, 
their names were Franafco Pizarro. Diego de Al- 
ma gro^ and Hernando Luque. Pizarro and Al- 
magro were foldiers of fortune, and Luque was 
an ecclefjallic, who a6led both as prieft and 
fchoolmaffer at Panama. Their confederacy was 
authorized by Pedrarias governor of Panama ; 
and each engaged to employ his whole fortune 
in the adventure. Pizarro, being the leafl wealthy 
of the three, engaged to take upon himfelf the 
grearcil (hare of the fatigue and danger, and to 
command in perfon the armament which was to 
go firft upon the difcovery. Almagro offered to 

conduct 



OF AMERICA. 187 

condu<^ the fupplles of provifions and reinforce- 
ment of troops which might be necefTary ; and 
Lnque was to remain at Panama, in order to ne- 
gociate with the governor, and to fuperintend 
whatever was carrying on for the general inte- 
reft. 

In 1.524, Pizarro fet fail from Panama with a fin- 
gle vefTel of fmall burden, and 112 men ; and fo lit- 
tle was he or his countrymen at that time ac* 
quainted with the climate of America, that the 
mofl improper feafon of the whole year was cho- 
fen for his departure ; the periodical winds, which 
werethenfetinjbcingdirecfllyoppofitetothecourle 
which he propofed to fteer. The confequence 
of this was, that after beating about for 70 days, 
M'ith much danger and fatigue, he had advanced 
fcarce as far to the fouth-eaft as a Ikilful naviga- 
tor will now make in three days. He touched 
at feveral places of Terra Firma ; but finding 
that country exceedingly inhofpitable and un- 
healthy, he was obliged to retire to Chuchama, 
oppofKe to the Pearl IlQands, where he hoped to 
receive fome reinforcements from Panama. Here 
he was found by Almagro, who had fet out in 
quefl of him with a reinforcement of 70 men, 
and had fuffered diftrelTes very much refembling 
thofe of Pizarro himfelf. In particular, he had 
loft an eye in a combat with the Indians. How- 
ever, he had advanced as far as the river of St. 
Juan in the province of Popayan, where the 
country (liowing a better afpe^, and the inhabi- 
tants more friendly, our proje(5lors again began 
to indulge themlelves in hopes, and determined 
by no means to abandon their fcheme. 

Almagro 



188 GENERAL HISTORY 

Almagro returned to Panama, in hopes of re- 
cruiting their Chattered troops. But the bad ac- 
counts of the fervice gave his countrymen fuch 
an unfavourable idea of it, that Almagro could 
levy no more than 80 men, and thefe with great 
difficulty. Slender as this reinforcement was, 
however, the adventurers did not hefitate at re- 
newing their enterprile. The difallers and dif- 
appointments they met with m this new attempt, 
were fcarce inferior to thoie they had already ex- 
perienced, when part of the armaaient at laft 
reached the bay of St. Matthew on ihe coaU of 
Quito, and landed at T.icamez, to the fouth of 
the river of Etieraldj;, where they met with a 
more fertile and champaign country than any 
they haci yet feen i the natives alfo were more 
civilized, and clothed m garments of cotton or 
woolen fluff, adorned with trinkets of gr-ld and 
lilver. But nor with landing thefe favourable 
appearances, Pizarro did not think fit to attack 
fuch a powerful empire with a handful of fol- 
dicrs already exhaufU^d ; and therefore retired 
to a fmali ill.ind called Gallo, with part of the 
troops ; from whence he defp.uched Almagro to 
Panama, in hopes of obtaining a reinforcement. 

The reception which Almngro met with was 
by no means a^^reeable. Some of the adventurers 
had informc^cl their friends of the many dangers 
and loffes which they had fuflained ; which not 
only dilhcartcned people from engaging in the 
fervice, but weighed fb much with Pedro de los 
Rois, the fucccfTor of Pedrarius, that he prohi- 
bited the railing of new recruits, and even dif- 
patched a veffel to bring home Pizarro an! his 
companions from the ifland of Gallo. Almagro 

ani 



OF AMERICA. 189 

and Luque, though much mortified with this 
difappointment, privately advifed Pizarro not to 
relinquifh an enterprize on which they had built 
all their hopes. He therefore pofitively refufed 
to obey the orders of the governor, and employ- 
ed all his addrefs in perfuading his men not to 
abandon him. But the calamities to which they 
had been expofed had fuch an efFe<ft upon them, 
that when he drew a line upon the land with his 
fword, telling fuch as wilhed to return that they 
might pafs over it, only 1 3 had refolution to 
remain with him. 

Pizarro with his little troop now fixed their 
refidence on the ifland of Gorgona, which they 
confidered as a fafer retreat than Gallo, as being 
farther removed from the coaft and uninhabited, 
fo that they might with the greater fecurity wait 
for fupplies. Here they continued five months 
in the moft unwholefome climate imagmable, and 
at laft had come to a relolution of committing 
themfelves to fea on a float, when a vefTel arrived 
from Panama to their relief. This was the effeft 
of the continued folicitations of Almagro and 
Luque ; who, though they could not prevail 
upon the governor to favour the undertaking, 
had fucceeded fo far as to induce him to fend a 
fmall vefTel to the relief of Pizarro and his unfor- 
tunate aflbciates. However, the more efFe<5luaUy 
to fhow his difapprobation of Pizarro*s fcheme, 
the governor refufed to allow one landman to go 
on board of the (hip which he fent. — ^The hopes 
of the adventurers, however, were now again 
revived, and Pizarro eafily induced them to re- 
fume their fcheme. Inflead of returning to Pa- 

uama^ 
R 



190 GENERAL HISTORY 

nama, therefore, they failed to the fouth-cafl, 
and in 20 da5^s after the difcovery of Gorgona 
they difcovered the coaft of Peru. Having 
touched at fome places of lefs note, they at length 
arrived at Tumbez, remarkable for its (lately 
temple, and a palace of the Incas or fovereigns 
of the country. Here they found that what had 
been told them concerning the riches of the 
country was true ; not only ornaments and fa- 
cred veffels being made of- gold and filver, but 
even fnch as were for common ufe. Yet to at- 
tempt the conquell of this opulent empire with 
their flender force, would have been madnels ; 
they contented themfelves therefore with viewing 
it, procuring two of the beafls of burden called 
Llamas, to which they gave the name of fheep, 
ibme velfels of gold and filvcr, and two young 
men, whom they propofed toinflru6l in the Caf- 
tilian language. With thefe Pizarro arrived at 
Panama in the year 1527, near three year? after 
he had fet out from that place in his expedition. 

The empire of Peru thus difcovered, is faid to 
have been originally polTefTed by independent 
tribes, juftly reckoned among the moft favage 
even in Ameiica-, living more like wild beads 
than men. For feveral ages they lived in this 
manner, when fuddcnly there appeared on the 
banks of a lake called l^itiaca^ a man and woman 
of majeftic form, and clothed in decent garments. 
They declared tiiemfelves to be the children of 
the fun, fent by their beneficent parent to in- 
ftru6f and reclaim mankind. 

The names of thefe two extraordinary per- 
fonages were Majico Capac and Mavia Ocollo. At 
their perfuafion, feveral of the difperfed lavages 

united, 



OF AMERICA. 191 

united, and, receiving their commands as hea- 
venly injun6\ions, followed them to Cuzco, 
where they fettled, and began to lay the foun- 
dation of a city. Manco Capac inftruOed the 
men in agriculture, and other ufeful arts \ while 
Mama OcoUo taught the women to fpin and 
we.;ve ; after which Manco turned his attention 
towards the introducing of proper laws and re- 
gulations into his new eftate. 

Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was 
founded the empire of the Incas, or lords of Pe- 
ru. At firft its extent was fmall, the territory 
of Manco Capac reaching not above eight leagues 
from Cuzco his capital. Within thefe narrow 
limits, however, he exercifed the moft perfect 
defpotifm, and the fame was maintained by hi& 
fuccelTors, all of whom were not only obeyed as 
monarchs, but reverenced as deities. Their 
blood was held to be facred, and, by prohibit- 
ing intermarriages with the people, was never 
contaminated by mixing with that of any other 
race. The family thus feparated from the reft 
of the nation, was di(ViDgui(hed by peculiarities 
in drefs and ornaments, which it was unlawful 
for others to alfume. Among the Peruvians^ 
ho\vever, it is faid, that this high degree of ve- 
neration was made ufe of by the monarchs only 
to promote the good of their fubjefls. If we 
may believe the accounts given by their country- 
men, the Peruvian monarchs extended their em- 
pire not with a view to increafe their own power 
and wealth, but from a defire of diffufing the 
bielTings of civilization, and the knowledge of 
the arts which they poffefTed, among the barba- 

rotrs 



192 GENERAL HISTORY 

rous people whom they reduced, and, during a 
fucceffion of 12 monarchs, not one deviated from 
this chara^^er. 

The Peruvians were taught by Manco to adore 
the Creator of heaven and earth, whom they 
denominated Paca Camacy that intelligence which 
animated the world. They feldom built temples 
or offered facrifices to him, but wor (hipped him 
in their hearts. One temple, however dedicated 
to T/je unknown Godj the Spaniards found at 
their arrival, ere(fted in a valley, thence named 
t/je valley of Paca Camac. The facrifices inftitu- 
ted in honour of the fun confined chiefly of 
lambs i befides which they offered all forts of 
cattle, fowls, and corn, and even burnt their 
iineft clothes on the altar by way of incenfe. 
They had alfo drink-offerings made of maize or 
Indian corn, fteeped in water. Nor were thofe 
oblaiions the only a<5ls of adoration in general ufe 
among them. When they firft drank after their 
meal?, they dipped the tip of their finger into 
the cup, and lifting up their eyes with great de- 
votion, gave the fun thanks for their liqnor, be- 
fore they prefuroed to take a draught of it. 

Befides the worfhip of the fun, they paid 
fome kind of veneration to the images of feveral 
animals and vegetables that had a place in their 
temples. Thofe were generally the images 
brought from the conquered nations, where the 
people worfhipped all forts of creatures, animate 
or inanimate •, it being the cuf^om, when a pro- 
vince was fubdued, to remove all their idols to 
the temple of the fun at Cuzco. 

Exclu five of the folemnities at every full mooD, 
four grand feflivals were celebrated annually. 

The 



OF AMERICA. 19:5 

The firft of thofe, called Raymiy was held in 
the month of June, immediately after the funi- 
mer IbllUce, and was kept not only in honour of 
the fun, but of their firfl: Inca, Manco Capac, 
and Coya Mama Ocollo, his wife and filler, 
whom the Incas confidered as their firll parents, 
defcended immediately from the fun, and fent by 
him into the world to reform and polifli man- 
kind. At this feftival, all the viceroys, generals, 
governors, and nobility, were aflfembled at the 
capital city of Cuzco ; and the emperor, or Inca, 
officiated in perfon as high-prieH: ; though on 
other occafions the facerdotal fun<5\ion was dif- 
charged by the regular pontiff, who was ufually 
either the uncle or brother cf the Inca. 

The morning of the feflival being come, the 
Inca, accompanied by his near relations, drawn 
up in order according to their feniority, went 
barefoot in proceffion, at break of day, to the 
market-place, where they remained looking at- 
tentively towards the eaft in expeflation of the 
rifing fun. The luminary no fooner appeared, 
than they fell proftrate on their faces in the moll 
profound veneration, and univerfally acknow- 
ledged it to be their god and father. 

The vaiTal princes, and nobility, that were 
not of the blood royal, affembled in another 
fquare, and performed the like ceremony. Out 
of a large tlock of ftieep the priefls then chofe a 
black lamb, which they offered in flicrifice, firft 
turning its head towards the eaft. From the en- 
trails of the vi(flira, on this occafion, they fuper- 
ffiiioufly drew prognoftics relating to peace and 
warj and other public events. 

That 
R 2 



19* GENERAL HISTORY 

That the Peruvians believed in the inamortality 
of the foul, appears from the practice of the In- 
cas, who conftantly inculcated to the people, 
that on leaving this world, they (hould enter in- 
to a ftate of happincfs provided for them by their 
god and fither the fun. 

Before the arrival of the Spaniards in America, 
the Peruvians were acquainted with fome points 
of aftronomy. They had obferved the various 
motions of the Planet Venus, and the different 
phafes of the moon. The common people divid- 
ed the year only by the feafons ; but the Incas 
"who had difcovered the annual revolution of the 
fun, marked out the fummer and winter folftices 
by high towers, which they ereftcd on the ead: 
.ind weft of the city of Cazco. When the fun 
came to rife direfily oppofite to four of thofe 
towers, on the ead fide of the city, and to fet 
again ft thofe of the weft, it was then the fummer 
Iblftice; and in like manner, when it rofe and 
fet agc.inft the other towels, it was the winter 
folftice. They had alfo erecfted marble pillars in 
the great court before the temple of the fun, by 
which they obferved the equinoxes. This ob- 
fervation was made under the equator, when the 
fun being dire611y vertical, the pillars caft no 
rhade. At thofe times they crowned the pillars 
with garlands of flowers and odoriferous herbs, 
And celebrating a feftival, offered to their adored 
luminary rich prefents of gold and precious 
ftones. 

They diftinguiflicd the months by the moon, 
and their weeks were called quarters of the 
moon j but the days of the week they marked 
only by the ordinal numbers, as firft, fecond, 

&c. 



OF AMERICA. 195 

Sic, They were afl-onifhed at the eclipfes of the 
fun and moon. When the former hid his face, 
they concluded it was on account of their fms, 
imagining that this phenomenon portended fa- 
mine, war, and pe(ViIence, or fome other terri- 
ble calamity. la a fimilar (late of the moon, they 
apprehended that (he was fick, and when totally 
obibured, that (he was dying. At this alarming 
crids they founded their trumpets, and endea- 
voured by every kind of nolle to roufe the lunar 
planet from her fuppofed lethargy ; teaching 
their children to cry out, and call upon mmim 
qui/fa, or ** mother moon," that (he would not 
die and leave them to perifh. 

They made no predi(51ions from any of the 
ftars, but confidered dreams, and the entrails of 
beads which they offered in facrifice, as in(lruc- 
tive obje(ns of divination. When they faw the 
fun fet, they imagined that he plunged into the 
ocean, to appear next morning in the eaft. 

Among a people wholly void of letters, the 
fpeculative effays of the underftandingmnft have 
been very rude and iniperfeft. They had, how- 
ever, among them amentas, or phllofophers, who 
delivered moral precepts, and likewife cultivated 
poetry. Comedies and tragedies compofed by 
thofe bards were a<n:ed on their feftlvals before 
the king and the royal family, the perforiners 
being the great men of the court, and the prin- 
cipal ofBcers of the army. The amentas alfo 
compofed fongs and ballads ; but if we may judge 
from the rudenefs of the mufic with which they 
are faid to have been accompanied, they were far 
from being agreeable to a DoU(hed e^ir. 

That^ 



196 GENERAL HISTORY 

That the Peruvians were not unacquainted 
with painting and ftatuary, appears from the fur- 
niture and ornaments of their temples and pa- 
laces; but in all the implements of mechanic arts 
they were extremely deficient. Though many 
goldfmiths were conftantly employed, they had 
never invented an anvil of any metal, but in its 
ilead made ufe of a hard ftone. They beat their 
plate with round pieces of copper in place of 
hammers ; neither had they any files or graving 
tools. Inftead of bellows for melting their met- 
tals, they uied copper pipes, of a yard long, 
almoft of the form of a trumpet. Having no 
tongs to take their heated metal out of the fire, 
they made ufe of a ftick or copper bar. The 
carpenters had no other tools than hatchets made 
of copper or flint ; nor had they learned the ufe 
of iron ; though the country affords mines of 
that metal. Inftead of nails, they faftened their 
timber with cords or the tough twigs of trees. 
A thorn, or a fmall bone, ferved them for a nee- 
dle •, and inftead of thread, the finews of ani- 
mals, or the fibres of fomc plant. Their knives 
were made of flint or copper. 

"When the Spaniards firfl vifited this country, 
they found it agitated by a civil war. Huaaa 
Capac, the 12th monarch from the founder of 
the ftate, was featcd on the throne; who is re- 
prefented as a prince no lefs confpicuous for his 
abilities in war than for his pacific virtues. By 
him the kingdom of Quito was fubdued, which 
almofl doubled the extent of the dominions and 
power of the Peruvian empire. Notwithfland- 
ing the ancient and fundamental law againll pol- 
luiiDg the blood of the Inca with any foreign al- 

iiance, 



OF AMERICA. 197 

liance, Huana married the daughter of the con* 
quered monarch, by whom he had a fon named 
Atahualpa, commonly v/r\iten j4f aba lipaf to whom, 
at his death in 1529, he left the kingdom of 
Quito, beAowing the reft of his dominions upon 
Huafcar his eldeft fon by a mother of the royal 
race. This produced a civil war, in which Ata- 
balipa proved vi^n-onous, and afterwards at- 
tempted to fecure himfelf on the throne by put- 
ting to death all the defcendants of Manco 
Capac, ftyled t.hg children of the Sun, whom he 
could feize either by force or ftratagem ; how- 
ever, from a political motive, he fpared the life 
of his rival Huafcar, who had the misfortune to 
be taken prifo^er in an engagement, that, by iC' 
filing out orders in his name, he might more 
eafily eftablifh his own authority, and cover the 
iHegality of his birth. 

This contcft had fo much engaged the atten- 
tion of the Peruvians, that they never once at- 
tempted to check the progrefs of the Spaniards. 
It was fome time, however, before Pizarro was 
informed of this contert, fo much in his favour. 
The firft intelligence which he receivtd of it was 
a melTage from Huafcar, afking his afliflance 
againfi: Atabalipa, whom he reprefented as a rebel 
and an ufurper. Pizarro perceived the impor- 
tance of the intelligence, and therefore determin- 
ed to puili forward, while inteAine difcord put 
it out of the power of the Peruvians to attack 
him with their whole force. Being obliged to 
divide his troops, in order to leave a garrifon in 
St. Michael, which might ferve for a place of 
retreat in cai'e of a difafter, he began his march 
with only 62 horfcmen, and 102 foot-foldiers, 

20 



198 GENERAL HISTORY 

20 of whom were armed with crofs-bows, and 
only three with mulkets. He directed his courfe 
towards Caxamaica, a fmall town at the diftance 
of 12 days march from St. Michael, where Ata- 
balipa was encamped with a confidcrable body 
of troops. Before he had proceeded far, an 
officer difpatched by the Inca met him with a va- 
luable prefent from that prince, accompanied 
with a proffer of his alliance, and his afTurances 
of a friendly reception at Caxamaica. Pizarro, 
according to the ufual artifice of his countrymen 
in America, pretended to come as the ambaflador 
of a very powerful monarch, and declared that 
he was now advancing with intention to offer 
Atabalipa his aid again ft thofe enemies who dif- 
puted his title to the throne. 

As the objeft of the Spaniards in entering 
their country was altogether incomprehenfible to 
the Peruvians, they had formed various conjec- 
tures concerning it, without being able to decide 
whether they fhould confider their new guefts 
as beings of a fuperior nature, who had vifited 
them from feme beneficent motive, or as formi- 
dable avengers of their crimes, and enemies to 
their repofe and liberty. The continual profef- 
fions of the Spaniards, that they came to enlight- 
en them with the knowledge of truth, and lead 
them in the way of happinefs favoured the for- 
mer opinion •, the outrages which they commit- 
ted, their rapacioufnefs and cruelty, were awful 
confirmations of the latter. While in this ftate 
of uncertainty, Pizarro's declaration of his pa- 
cific intentions fo far removed all the Inca's fears, 
that he determined to give him a friendly recep- 
tion. In confequence of this refolution, the. 

Soaniards 



OF AMERICA. 199 

Spaniards were allowed to march in tranquillity 
acrofs the fandy defert between St. Michael and 
Motnpe, where the moft feeble effort of an ene« 
my, added to the unavoidable diftreflfes which 
they fuifered in paiTing through that comforilefs 
region, muft have proved fatal to them. From 
Mctupe they advanced towards the mountains 
which encompafs the low country of Peru, and 
pafTed through a defile fo narrow and inacceffi- 
ble, that a few men might have defended it 
againfl: a numerous army. But here like wife, 
from the fame inconfiderate incredulity of the 
Inca, the Spaniards met with no oppofition, and 
took quiet poffeffion of a fort eredied for the fe- 
curity of that important (Nation. As they now ap- 
proached near to Caxamalca, Atabalipa renewed 
his profeflions of friend(hip ; and, as an evi- 
dence of his fmcerity, lent them prefents of 
greater value than the former. 

On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took poflef- 
fion of a large court, on one fide of which was 
a houfe which the Spanifh hiflorians call a palace 
of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the 
fun, the whole furrounded with a llrong ram- 
part or wall of earth. When he had polled his 
tro</ps in this advantageous flation, hedifpatched 
Hernando Soto, and his brother Ferdinand, to 
the camp of Atabalipa, which was about a 
league diflant from the town. He inftru6ted 
them to confirm the declaration which he had 
formerly made of his pacific difpofition, and to 
defire an interview with the Inca, that he might 
explain more fully the intention of the Spaniards 
in viliting his country. They were treated with 
all the relpeiftful hoipitality ufual jwnong the Pe- 
ruvians 




200 GENERAL HISTORY - 

ruvians in the reception of their moft cordial 
friends, and Atabalipa promifed to vifit the Span- 
ifti commander next day in his quarters. The 
decent deportment of the Peruvian monarch, the 
order of his court, and the reverence with which 
his fubje^s approached his perfon and obeyed 
his commands, aftoniftied thofe Spaniards, who 
had never met in America with any thing more 
dignified than the petty cacique of a barbarous 
tribe. But their eyes were ftill more powerfully 
attra(5>ed by the vaft profufion of wealth which 
they obferved in the Inca*s camp. The rich or- 
naments worn by him and his attendants, the 
veflels of gold and filver in which the repaft of- 
fered to them was ferved up, the multitude of 
uteofils of every kind formed of thofe precious 
metals, opened prol'pedls /ar exceeding any idea 
of opulence that an European of the 16th centu- 
ry could form. 

On their return to Caxamalca, while their 
minds were yet warm with admiration and defire 
of the wealth which they had beheld, they gave 
fuch a defcription of it to their countrymen, as 
confirmed Pizarro in a refolution which he had 
already taken. From his own obfervation of 
American manners during his long i'ervice in the 
New World, as well as from the advantages 
which Cortes had derived from feizing Montezu- 
ma, he knew of what confequence it was to 
have the Inca in his power. For this purpofe, 
he formed a plan as daring as it was perfidious. 
Notwithrtanding the character he had aflumed 
»f an ambafTador from a powerful monarch, who 
courted an alliance with the Inca, and in viola- 
tion of the repeated offers which he had made 

to 



0F AMERICA. 201 

to him of his own friendfhip and afliftance, he 
determined to avail himfelf of the unfufpicious 
fimplicity with which Atabalipa relied on his pro- 
feflions and ip feize his perfon during the inter- 
view to which he had invited him. He prepar- 
ed for the execution of his fcheme with the fame 
deliberate arrangement, and with as little com- 
pun£lion, as if it had iefle6led no difgrace on 
himfelf or his country. He divided his cavalry 
into three fmall fquadrons. under the command 
of his brothers Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalca- 
zar ', his infantry was formed into one body, 
except 20 of moA tried courage, whom he kept 
near his own perfon to fupport him in the dan- 
gerous fervice which he referved for himfelf; 
the artillery, confiding of two field-pieces, and 
the crofs-bow men, were placed oppofite to the 
avenue by which Atabalipa was to approach. 
All were commanded to keep within the fquare, 
and not to move until the fignal for a^lion was 
given. 

Early in the morning the Peruvian camp was 
all in motion. But as Atabalipa was folicitous 
to appear with the greatefl: fplendour and mag- 
nificence in his firft interview with the ftrangers, 
the preparations for this were fo tedious, that 
the day was far advanced before he began his 
march. Even then, left the order of the pro- 
ceffion (liould be deranged, he moved fo flowly, 
that the Spaniards became impatient and appre- 
henfive that fome fufpicion of their intention 
might be the caufe of this delay. In order to 
remove this, Pizarro defpatched one of his offi- 
cers with frefh affu ranees of his friendly difpofi- 

tion^ 
S 



ii02 GENERAL HISTORY 

tion. At length the Inc'a approached. Firft of 
all appeared 400 men in an uniform drefs, as 
harbingers to clear the way before him. He 
himfclf, fitting on a throne or couch, adorned 
with plumes of various colours, and almofl: 
covered with plates of gold and filver enriched 
with precious flones, was carried on the fhould' 
ers of his principal attendants. Behind him came 
fome chief officers of his court, carried 'n the 
fame manner. Several bands of fingtrs and 
dancers accompanied this cavalcade •, and the 
whole plain was covered with troops, amounting 
ro more than 30,000 men. 

As the Inca drew near the Spanish quarters^ 
father Vincent Valverede, chaplain to the expe- 
dition, advanced with s crucifix in one hand, 
and a breviary in the other, and in a long dif- 
courfe explained to him the doctrine of the crea- 
tion, the fall of Adam, the incarnation, the 
fufferings and refurredlion of Jefus Chriff, the 
appointment of St. Peter as God*s vicegerent on 
earth, the tranfmiffion of his apoftolical power 
by fiicceflion to the popes, the donation made to 
the king of Caflile by pope Alexander of all the 
regions in the New World. In confequence of 
all this, he required Atabalipa to embrace the 
Chriftian faith, to acknowledge the fupreme ju- 
rifdiftion of the pope, and to fubmit to the king 
of Caftile as his lawful fovereign ; promifing, it 
he complied inflantly with this requifition, that 
the Caftilian monarch would protect his domi- 
nions, and permit him to continue in theexercife 
of his royal authority ; but if he (liould impioufly 
refofe to obey this fummons, he denounced war 

again fV 



OF AMERICA. 203 

againft him in his mafter's name, and threatened 
him with the moft dreadful effefts of his ven- 
geance. 

This ftrange harangue, unfolding deep my Se- 
ries, and alluding to unknown fa6ts, of which 
DO power of eloquence could have conveyed at 
once a diiVmift idea to an American, was fo lame- 
ly trandated by an unfkiiful interpreter, little ac- 
quainted with the idiom of the Spanilh tongue, 
and incapable of exprefling himfelf with propriety 
in the language of the Inca, that its general 
tenor was altogether incomprehenfible to Ataba- 
lipa. Some parts in it, of more obvious mean- 
ing, filled him with aftoniflimeni and indigna- 
tion. His reply, however, was temperate. He 
began wuh obferving, that he was lord of the 
dominions over which he reigned by hereditary 
fuccefTion ; and added, that he could not conceive 
how a foreign prieft fhould pretend to difpofe of 
territories which did not belong to him *, that if 
fuch a prepofterous grant had been made, he, 
who was the rightful pofTefTor, refufed to con- 
firm it ; that he had no inclination to renounce 
the religious iniVitutions eftabliihed by his ancei- 
tors j nor would he forfake ihe fervice of the fun, 
the immortal divinity whom he and his people 
revered, in order to wor(hip the God of the 
Spaniards, who was fubje(5l to death -, that with 
refpe^f to other matters contained in his difcourfe, 
as he had never heard of them before, and did 
not now underfland their meaning, he defired to 
know where he had learned things fo extraordi- 
nary. ** In this book," anfwered Valverede, 
reaching out to him his breviary. The Inca 
opened it eagerly ; and turning over the leaves, 

lifted 



204^ GENERAL HISTORY 

lifted it to his ear : " This," fays he, *« is filent ^ 
it tells me nothing ;** and threw it with difdain 
to the ground. The enraged monk, running to- 
wards his countrymen, cried our, " to arms, 
Ghriftians, to arms •, the word of God is infult- 
ted i avenge this profanation on thofe impious 
dogs." 

Pizarro, who daring this long conference had 
with difficulty reftrained his foldiers, eager to 
feize the rich fpoils of which they had nowfo 
near a view, imnriediately gave the fignal of al^ 
fault. At once the martial mufic flruck up, the 
cannon and mufkets began to fire, the horfe fal- 
iied out fiercely to the charge, the infantry rufh- 
ed on fword in hand. The Peruvians, aftonifhed 
-at the fuddennefs of an attack, which they did 
ijQt expeifl:, and difmayed with the den:ru61:ive 
tfiednis of the fire-arms, and the irrefiftible im- 
prclTion of the cavalry, fled with univerfal con- 
Oernation on every fide, without attempting 
cither to annoy the enemy or to defend them- 
fclves. Pizarro, at the head of his chofcn band, 
advanced diredtly towards the Inca : and though 
his nobles crowded around him with officious 
zeal, and fell in numbers at his feet, while they 
vied one with another in facrificing their own 
lives, that they might cover the facred perfon of 
their fovereign, the Spaniards foon penetrated to 
the royal feat ; and Pizarro feizing the Inca by 
the arm dragged him to the ground, and carried 
him as a prifoner to his quarters. The fate of 
the moiiarch increafed the precipitate flight of 
his followers. The Spaniards purfued them to- 
wards every quarter, and, with deliberate and 
unrelenting barbarity, continued to flaughter 

wretched 



OF AMERICA. 2Q5 

wretched fugitives, who never once offered at 
refiftance. The carnage did not ceafe until the 
dole of day. Above 4000 Peruvians were killed. 
Not a Tingle Spaniard teH, nor was one wound- 
ed but Pizarro himfelf, whofe hand was flightly 
hurt by one of his own foldiers, while flruggling 
eagerly to lay hold on the Inca. 

The plunder taken on this occafion was im- 
menfe, but the Spaniards were flill unfaiisfied ; 
which being obferved by the Inca, he endeavour- 
ed to apply himfelf to their ruling paflion, ava^ 
rice, in order to obtain his liberty ; and therefore 
offered fuch a ranfom as aflonifhed them, even 
afcer all they knew concerning the opulence of 
the country. The apartment in which he was 
confined was 22 feet in length and 16 in breadth j" 
and all this fpace he engaged to fill with veffels 
of gold as high as he could reach. This propo- 
fal was eagerly caught by Pizarro, and a Hne 
was drawn upon the Walls to mark the Aipulated 
height. 

Atabalipa, charmed with the thoughts of li- 
berty, immediately fet about performing his part 
of the agreement, and defpatched inefTengers into 
all parts of the empire, in order to colle<5l thc 
immenfe quantity of gold which he had promif- 
ed *, and though the unfortunate monarch was 
now in the hands of his enemies, fuch was the 
veneration which his fubjedls had for him, that 
his orders were obeyed with as great alacrity as 
though he had been at full liberty -, while he', in 
the mean time flattering himfelf with the hopes 
of being foon releafcd, made no preparations for 
expelling the invaders from his dominions. 

In 

s e 



206 GENERAL HISTORY 

In a fhort time Pizarro received intelligence 
that Almagro was arrived at St. Michael with a 
reinforcement equal to the force he had with 
him. This was a matter of great joy to the 
Spaniards, and no fmall vexation to Atabaiipa, 
who now confidered his kingdom as in danger 
of being totally over-run by thefe ftrangers, 
•whofe force he neither knew, nor the means they 
had of tranfporting themfelves. For this reafon 
he determined to put his brother Huafcar to 
death, left he Ihould join the ftrangers againft 
hira. To this he was the rather inclined, as he 
had got information that the captive prince had 
been making applications to them, and had of- 
fered them, a much larger fum than what was 
ftipulated for the Inca's ranfom ; and in confe- 
quence of this determination the unfortunate 
prince loft his life. 

In the mean time the Indians daily arrived at 
Caxamalca with vaft quantities of ireafure ; the 
light of which fo much inflamed the Spaniards, 
that thpy infjfted upon an immediate divifion : 
and this being complied with, there fell to the 
fliare of each horfeman^SOOO pefos, at that time 
not inferior to the value of as many pounds 
ftcrling in the prefcnt century, and half as much 
to each foot-foldier, Pizarro and his officers re- 
ceiving fharrs proportional to their dignity. A 
fifth part was referved for the emperor, together 
with ibme veflels of curious workmanlhip as a 
prefent. In confequence of this immenfe acqui- 
iition of wealth, many of the Spaniards became 
clamorous for their difcharge ; which was rea- 
dily granted by their general, ns well knowing 
dim the dilplay of their riches would not fail to 

allure 



OF AMERICA. 207 

allure adventurers more hardy, though lefs opu- 
lent, to his ftandard. 

After this divifioQ of the fpoil, Atabalipa was 
very importunate with Pizarro in order to reco- 
ver his liberty, but the Spaniard, with unparal- 
leled treachc-ry and cruelty, had now determined 
to put him to death. To this he was urged by 
Almagro's foldiers, who though they had re- 
ceived an equal (hare with the rell, were ftili 
unfatisfied. The Inca*s ranfom had not been 
completed ; and they were apprehenfive, that 
whatever fums might afterwards be brought in, 
the troops of Pizarro would appropriate them 
to themfelves as part of that raniom. They in- 
fixed with Pizarro, therefore, to put him to 
death, that all the adventurers might for the fu- 
ture be on an equal footing. Accounts were 
likewife received that troops were alTembling in 
the remote provinces of the empire, which Pi- 
zarro fufpeifted to be done by the Inca's orders. 
Thefe accounts were heightened by one Phiiip- 
piio an Indian interpreter, who had conceived a 
paflion for one of the unhappy monarch*s wives ; 
and for that reafon wiflied to have him put to 
death. Atabalipa himfeif, too, had the misfor- 
tune to hallen his own ruin by his conceiving a 
contemptuous notion of Pizarro, which he had 
nut the precaution to conceal. He had, lince 
they were firft difcovered by him, admired the 
European arts of reading and writing, and wifhed 
much to know whether he fliould regard it as a 
natural or acquired talent. In order to determine 
this, he defired one of the foldiers who guarded 
him, to write the name of God upon the nail of 
his thumb. This he fhowed to fcveral Span-- 

iards 



208 GENERAL HISTORY 

iards fucceffively, afking its meaning ; and, to 
his furprife, they all returned the fame anfwer. 
At length Pizarro entered •, and, on prefenting 
it to him, he blufhed, and was obliged to own 
his ignorance -, which infpired the Inca with the 
contemptuous notion of him abovemeniioned. 

In order, however, to give fome (how of juf- 
tice to fuch a deteftable a6>ion, and that he might 
be exempted from Handing fiogly as the perpe- 
trator, Pizarro rcfolved to accufe the Inca of 
fome capital crime, and inftitute a court of judi* 
cature for the purpofe of trying him. For this 
purpofe, he appointed himfeJf and Almagro, 
with tv.'o afliftants, as judges, with full powers 
to acquit or condemn : an attorney-general was 
named to carry on the profecution in the king's 
name ; counfcllors were chofen to aflift the pri- 
foner in his defence j and clerks were ordained 
to record the proceedings of court. Before this 
llrange tribunal a charge was exhibited Aill more 
amazing. It confifled of various articles : that 
Aiabalipa, though a baftard, had difpofTefTed the 
lawful owner of the throne, and ufurped the re- 
gal power ; that he had put his brother and law- 
ful fcvereign to death ; that he was an idolater, 
and had not only permitted, but commanded the 
offering up of human facrifices ; that he had a 
great number of concubines ; that fince his im- 
prifonment, he had wafted and embezzled the 
royal treafures, which now belonged of right to 
the conquerors ; and that he had excited his fub- 
}t0.s to take up arms r.gainft the 5)paniards. On 
thcfe heads of accufation they proceeded to try 
the iovtrreign of a great empire, over whom they 
had no jurifdi<5lion. To all thefe charges the 

Inca 



OF AMERICA. 209 

Inca pleaded not guilty. With refpeft to the 
death of his brother, he alleged, that the Span- 
iards could take no cognizance of the faft. With 
regard to the taxes which he had levied, and the 
wars he had carried on, they were nothing to 
the Spaniards ; and as to the confpiracy againft 
the Spaniards, he utterly denied it. He called 
heaven and earth to witnefs the integrity of his 
conduct, and how faithfully he had performed 
his engagements, and the perfidy of his accufers. 
He defired to be fent over to Spain to take his 
trial before the emperor ; but no regard was paid 
to his intreaties. He was condemned to be burnt 
alive; which cruel fentence was mitigated, as a 
great favour, to flrangling; and the unhappy 
monarch was executed without mercy. 

The death of the Inca was followed by a re- 
volution in the Spanifli affairs, who now be- 
came generally odious. Hideous cries were fet 
up by his women as the funeral proceffion pafled 
by their apartment *, many offered to bury them- 
felves alive with him ; and ort being hindered, 
Orangled themfclves out of grief and vexation. 
The whole town of Caxamalca was filled with 
lamentation, which quickly extended itlelf over 
the whole kingdom. Friends and enemies ac- 
cufed the Spaniards of inhumanity and treachery. 
Loads of gold that were coming to Caxamalca by 
order of the deceafed Inca were now flopped ; 
and the lofs of the treafure was the fir ft unfor- 
tunate confequence which the Spaniards felt 
from their late iniquitous conduct. The two 
faflions of Indians united againft Pizarro ; and 
many of the Spaniards not only exclaimed againft 
the cruelty of the judges, but would even have 

mutinied, 



GENERAL HISTORY 

mutinied, had not a fenfe of the impending dan- 
ger kept them quiet. At Cuzco the friends of 
the emperor Huafcar proclaimed Manco Capac 
the legitimate brother of the late Inca, determin- 
ing to lupport him to the laA againft all the ma- 
chinations of his enemies. Pizarro, in the mean 
time, fet up Taparpa, the fon of Atabalipa, 
caufing him to be treated with all the honours 
due to an emperor. Immediately he fet out for 
Cuzco, the gaining of which \^s abiblutely ne- 
ceflary for his defign. An army of Indians oc- 
cupied the pafTes, and refolved to difpute his 
progrefs. The conteft, however, was foon de- 
cided ; the Spanifli cavalry bore down every 
thing before them, and great numbers of Indians 
were flain. The conquerors gained a confider- 
able booty ; and Pizarro defpatched Almagro to 
reduce Cuzco, while he himfelf founded a new 
colony in the fruitful valley of Xauna •, which, 
however, was not permanent, being afterwards 
removed to the place where Lima now flands. 
While Pizarro was thus employed, another 
commander, named Ferdiftando Soto, was detach- 
ed with 60 horfe to make the beft of his way to 
Cuzco, and clear the road for the march of the 
remainder of the army. He was oppofed by a 
formidable coliedlion of Indians, who had for- 
tified themfelves in order to defend a pafs againft 
him •, for which reafon, fearing left his ftrength 
might be unequal, hs fent a meffage to Pizarro, 
defiring that the Inca might join him, thinking 
that his prefencc would awe the Peruvians, and 
prevent the further effufion of blood ; but his 
expe(Sl:ations were fruftrated by the death of the 
Inca, which happened about this time , fo that 

there 



OF AMERICA. 211 

there was now a necedity for having recourfe to 
arms ; for as the Spaniards fet up no perfon in 
his room, the title of Manco Capac was univer- 
fally acknowledged. 

In the mean time, a new fnpply of foldiers ar- 
riving from Spain, Benalcazar, governor of Sr. 
Michael, undertook an expedition againft Quito, 
where, according to the report of the natives, 
Atabalipa had left the greateft part of his trea- 
fure. He accomplifhed his purpofe with very 
great difficulty, having a country covered with 
rocks and mountains to pafs, and being oppofed 
by large bodies of the natives. But when he 
got pojOTeffion of the city, to his extreme morti- 
fication he found that the inhabitants had carried 
off all their gold and filver ; for they being now 
acquainted with the ruling palfion of the Span- 
iards, had taken care to difappoint it, by remov- 
ing the treafures which tHey knew very well had 
been the caufe of the expedition. 

About the fame time Alvarado governor of 
Guatimala, invaded the province of Chili. In 
this expedition his troops endured fuch hardfhips, 
and fufFered fo much from the cold among the 
Andes, that a fifth part of the men and all the 
horles died, aud at the fame time the reft were 
fo much difpirited and emaciated, that they be- 
came quite unfit for fervice. What was worft 
of all, when they had arrived ar the end of their 
journey, they met with a body of Spaniards 
drawn up in hoftile array to oppo{e them. Theie 
had been fent againft hini by Pizarro, who claim- 
ed Chili as part of his jurisdi<5lion, and were 
now joined by Benalcazar, with the troops un- 
der his command. Alvarado, however, ad- 
vanced 



212 GENERAL HISTORY 

Vanced boldly to the attack 5 but, od the inter- 
pofition of fome moderate men in each party, 
the difference was accommodated. Alvarado 
engaged to return to his government, upon his 
being paid 100,000 pefos to defray the expenfe 
of his armament. However, moft of his follow* 
ers remained in the country, and enlifled in the 
fervice of Pizarro. ^ 

In the mean time Ferdinand Pizarro, the bro- 
ther of the general, had landed in Spain, where 
he produced fuch immenfe quantities of gold and 
filver as aflonilhed the court, even after all they 
had feen of the wealth of their new difcovcred 
territories. The general's authority was con- 
firmed to him with new powers and privileges, 
and the addition of 70 leagues extending along 
the coafl, to the fouthward of the territory 
granted in his former patent. Almagro had the 
title of adehfjtado or governor conferred upon him, 
with jurifdi^Vion over 200 leagues of a country 
lying fouthward from the province allotted to 
Pizarro ; he himfelf was made a knight of the 
order of St. Jago. 

Of thefe tranfaflions fome accounts were re- 
ceived at Peru before the arrival of Ferdinand 
Pizarro himfelf; and no fooner did Almagro hear 
that he had obtained the royal grant of an inde- 
pendent government, than, pretending that Cuz- 
co, the capital of all Peru, lay within his jurif- 
di^ion, he attempted to feize it. Pizarro was 
no leil ready to oppofe him ; and a very dange- 
rous civil war was about to take place, when the 
quarrel, was made up, on condition that Alma- 
gro (hould attempt the conqueft of Chili; and if 
he did not find there an eftablifhment equivalent 

to 



OF AMERICA. 213 

to his expeflations, Pizarro (liouM yield up to 
him part of P^ra. 

By this reconciliation Pizarro wp.s left at liber- 
ty to fettle the internal policy of his province, 
which, though little qualifiecl for a legiflator, 
hj attempted, by dividing the country into va- 
rious- diihi'fls, appointing magiilratcs to prefide 
in each, and eftabli(hing fuch regiilations con- 
Cfrning the adminiftration of judice, the royal 
revenue, &c,. as occurred to him. The ft at of 
govfirnment he removed from Cuzco to Lima, 
v.'hich he named Ceudad des los Reyes ^ and which 
name it llill retains among the Spaniards in all 
legal and formal deeds. Its other name, IJma^ 
is a corruption of Rlmac^ the name of the valley 
in which the city flands. 

In the mean time Almagro had fet out on an 
expedition to Chili ; and while he was thus em- 
ployed, Pizarro encouraged fome of his moft 
diftinguifhed officers to invade thofe provinces of 
the empire which had not yet been vifited by the 
Spaniards. This he did with a view to keep 
them employed, and prevent tumults ; but it was 
attended with very terrible confequences. No 
fooner did Manco Capao the Inca perceive the 
fecurity of the Spaniards in thus dividing their 
forces, than he feized the opportunity of making 
one vigorous effort to redrefs the wrongs of him- 
felf and his countrymen, and expel the invaders, 
who had tyrannized in fuch a cruel manner. 
Though ftridfly guarded by the Spaniards, he 
found means to communicate his intentions to 
the chief men of his nation, whom he joined in 
thaycar 1536, under pretence of celebrating a 

felllval 
T 



214 GENERAL HISTORY 

fefiival which he had obtained liberty from Pi- 
zarro to attend. Upon this the ftandard of war 
M'as immediately ere6Ved, and a moft formidable 
army, according to the Spanifh hiftorians, of 
200,000 men, colle^lied. Many Spaniards were 
maffacred in their habitations, and feveral de- 
tachments entirely cut off; and while this vafl: 
army laid fiege to Cuzco, another formidable 
body inverted Lima, and kept the governor clofe- 
iy fhut up. The greateft effort, however, was 
made againft Cuzco, which was defended by 
Pizarro and his two brothers, with only 170 
men. The fiege lafted nine months ; many of 
the Spaniards were killed ; among whom was 
Juan Pizarro, the general's brother, and the beft 
beloved of them all. The reft were reduced to 
the moft defperate fituation, when Almagro ap- 
peared fuddenly in the neighbourhood of Cuzco. 
He had received fuch accounts of the infurrec- 
rion in Peru, as would at any rate have deter- 
mined him to return to the afliftance of Pizarro; 
but befides this, he had now received the royal 
patent, creating him governor of Chili, and 
deemed it certain beyond all contradiftion, that 
Cuzco lay within his jurifdiflion ; for which 
reafon he haftened to prevent it from falling into 
the hands of the Peruvians. On his arrival his 
affiftance was folicited by both parties. The 
Inca made many advantageous propofals, but at 
length defpairing of obtaining any cordial union 
with a Spaniard, he attacked him in the night 
by furprife with a great body of chofen troops. 
But the Spanifh valour and difcipline prevailed 
againfl all the numbers of their enemies ; and 
the- Peruvians were repulfed with fuch (laughter, 

that 



OF AMERICA. 215 

that a great part of the remainder difperfed, and 
Almagro advanced to the gates of Cuzco without 
oppofition. Pizarro's brothers took meaiures to 
oppofe his entrance ; but prudence for the pre- 
fent reflrained both parties from entering into a 
civil war while they were furrounded with ene- 
mies ; and therefore each leader endeavoured to 
corrupt the followers of his antagonize. In this 
Almagro had the advantage ; and fo many of 
Pizarro's troops deferted in the night, that Al- 
magro was encouraged to advance towards tb.e 
city, where he lurprifed the centinels *, and in- 
verting the houfe where the two brothers were 
lodged, he compelled thrm, after an obftinate 
defence, to liirrender at difcretion ; and Alma- 
gro's authority over Cuzco was immediately re- 
cugnized as authentic. 

In this fray only two or three perfons were 
killed •, but matters foon began to wear a more 
ferious afpe6t. Francis Pizarro, having difperf- 
ed the Peruvians who invefted Lima, and re- 
ceived confiderable- reinforcements from other 
provinces, ordered 500 men, under the command 
of Alonfo de Alvarado to march to Cuzco, in 
hopes of relieving his brothers, if they were not 
already cut off. They advanced to a fmall dif- 
tance from the capita!, before they knew ih-^t 
they had a more formidable enemy than the In- 
dians to encounter. When they faw their coufir 
try men drawn up on the banks of a river to op- 
pofe them, they were greatly furprifed ; how- 
ever Almagro, who wifhed rather to gain them 
than to fight, began with attempting to feduce 
their leader. Alvarado cuuld not by any means 
be gj\ined over j but being inferior in military 

fklll, 



216 GENERAL HISTORY 

fkill, Almagro attacked him by furprifej entire- 
ly defeated and dilperied his army, taking him- 
felf and fbme of his principal officers priioners. 
This vi6>ory feemed decifive ; and Almagro 
was advifed to make it fo by putting to death 
Gonzaio and Ferdinand Pizarro, Alvarado, and 
fome others \thom he could not hope to gain. 
1 his advice, however, he declined from motives 
of humaiiity, and a defire of making h's adver- 
fluy appear the aggreffor. For thele rcaibns, 
inrtcnd of marching dirtOly againft Pizarro, he 
retired quietly to Cuzco ; u-hich gave his adver- 
lary time to recolledt himfelf from the diforder 
into v.'hich the news of fo many difafters had' 
thrown hirn. He began again to pra{5iice upon 
Almpgru ihofe arts'which had before proved fuc- 
cefsfiii i ;md Almagro again fuffered himfclf to 
be deceived by pretended offers of patiiicarion.. 
Phe ncgociations for this purpofe were protra/V- 
:d for ie\ er.il months ; and while Almagro was 
employed in dete6fing and eluding the fraudulent 
intentions of the governor, Gonzaio Pizarro and 
Alvarcido found means to corrupt the ii>ldiers 
who guarded tliem, and not only made their own 
cfcape, but perfuaded 60 of Aimagro's men to 
accompany them. There now remained only 
M^rdinand Pizarro iia the hands of Almagro : and 
he was delivered by another a~6l of treachery. 
The general propofed that all points of contro- 
verTy fliould be fubmitted to the decifion of their 
iovereigu ^ aud that Ferdinand PizarFO fhould 
be inftantly fet at hberty, and return to Spain, 
together with ibme other officers whom the ge- 
neral propofed to fend over to (how the juftice 
of his claims. Though the intention of Pizarro 

by 



OF AMERICA. 217 

by making this propofal was evident. Almagro 
was deceived by it, and releafed thofe whoin Pi-'' 
:5arro wanted ; which he had no fooner done, 
th.in the 1 tter threw ofFul' difguife, and openly de- 
clared, that nrms alone mufl: now decide the mat- 
ter between them. He therefore immedi.itely fet 
out for Cuzco with an army of 700 men, to 
which Almagrohad only 500 to oppofe. From 
the weaknefs of his torctSy probably, Almagro 
did not attempt to guard fome llr?ng palTes, 
through which Pizarro had to march, but waited 
patiently for his adverHiry in a plain open coun- 
try. 

In the mean time, Pizarro advanced without 
any obftru^tion from his enemy ; and an engage- 
ment foon happened, in which Almagro was de- 
feated and taken prifoner. The conquerors be- 
haved with ftreat cruelty in mafTacring a great 
number of officers, and treating Almagro him- 
fejf with great feverity. The Indians h"ad aiTem- 
bled in great numbers to fee the battle, with an 
intention to join the vanquifhed party ; but were 
io much overawed by the Spaniards, that they 
retired quietly after the battle v/as over, and thus 
]ol\ the only opportunity they ever had of ex . 
pelling their tyrants. — Almagro, after having 
for fome months languiQied in prifon, was at 
length formally tried, and condemned to die, by 
Pizarro. Notwithifanding his confummate brav- 
ery, for which he was remarkable, this hardy 
veteran could not bear the delibe>rate approach 
of death, but condcfcended to ufe intreaties to 
fave his life. The Pizarros, however, continued 
inH-xible; and he was firll: ftrangledia prifon, 

and 
T 2 



218 GENERAL HISTORY 

and then publicly beheaded. He left one Ton by 
an Indian woman, whom he appointed his fuc- 
ceflbr, by virtue of a power granted him by th« 
emperor. 

As during thefe diflenfions all intercourfe with 
Spain ceaftd, it was fometime before the ac- 
counts of the civil war were received at court. 
The firfl intelligence was given by fome of Al- 
magro's foldicrs, who had lefi Ameiica on the 
ruin of their caufe j and they did not fail to re- 
prefent the injuftice and violence of Pizarro in 
the ftrongeft colours, which flrongly prejudiced- 
the emperor againft him. In a (hort time, how- 
tver, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived, and endeavour- 
ed to give matters a new turn. The emperor 
was uncertain which of them he ought to be- 
lieve •, and therefore thought it neceffary to fend 
over fome perfon with ample powers to inquire 
into the merits of the caufe, and to determine 
certainly who was in the wrong. If he found 
the governor ftill alive, he was to aHume only 
the title of judge, in order to have the appear- 
ance of afting in concert with him -, but if he 
was dead, the viceroy might then produce his 
commiflion appointing him Pizarro's fuccclTor in 
the government. This complaifance to Pizarro, 
however, proceeded more from a dread of his 
power than from any other thing ; for in the 
mean time, his brother Ferdinand was arrefted 
at Madrid, and confined to a prifon, where he 
remained above 20 years. The perfon nomina- 
ted to this important tiuft was Chrifloval Vaca 
deCaHro. 

"While this gentleman was preparing for his 
voyage, Pizarro, coofidering himfelf as the un- 
rivalled 



OF AMERICA. 219 

rivalled mafter of Peru, proceeded to parcel out 
its territories among the conquerors ; and had 
this divifion been made with any degree of im- 
partiality, the extent of country which he had to 
beftow was fufficient to have gratified his friends, 
and to have gained his enemies. But Pizarro 
conduced this tranfa<f\ion, not with the equity 
and candour of a judge attentive to difcover and 
to reward merit, but with the illiberal fpirit of a 
party leader. Large diftrifls, in parts of the 
country moft cultivated and populous, were fet 
apart as his own property, or granted to his 
brothers, his adherents, and favourites. To 
others, lots lefs valuable and inviting were af- 
iigned. The followers of Almagro, amongft 
whom were many of the original adventurers, to 
whofe valour and perfeverance Pizarro was in- 
debted for his fuccefs, were totally excluded 
from any portion in thofe lands, towards the ac- 
quifition of which they had contributed fo large- 
ly. As the vanity of every individual fet an 
immoderate value upon iiis own fervices, and 
the idea of each, concerning the recompenfe due 
to them, rofe gradually to a more exorbitant 
height in proportion as their conquefts extended, 
all who were difappointed in their expectations 
exclaimed loudly againft the rapacioufnefs and 
partiality of the governor. The partifans of 
Almagro murmured in fecret, and meditated re- 
venge. 

Rapid as the progrefs of the Spaniards in 
South America had been finee Pizarro landed in 
Peru, their avidity of dominion was not yet fa- 
tisfied. The officers to whom Ferdinand Pizar- 
ro garve the command of different detachments, 

penetrated 



220 GENERAL HISTORY 

penetrated into feveral new provinces ; and 
though feme of them wereexpofed to great hard- 
fhips in the cold and barren regions of the An- 
des, and others fulfered diftrefs not inferior amidft 
the woods and raarfhes of the plains, they made 
difcoveries and ccnquelts which extended their 
knowledge of the country, as well as added to 
their power. Pedro de Valdivia re-alTumed Al- 
magro's fcheme of invading Chili ; and, notw'.th- 
itanding the fortitude of the natives in d(jfcnding 
their pofrtflions, made fuch progrcis in the con- 
quefl: of the country, that he founded the city of 
St. j3go, and gave a beginning to the elUbli(h- 
ment of the Spanifh dominic^n there. JVut of ail 
the enterprifes undertaken about this period, ih:it 
of Gonzales Pizarro was the moft remarkable. 
The governor, who feems to have refolved that 
no perfon in Peru fhould poflefs any (fation of 
diftinguifhed eminence or authority but thofe of 
his own family, had deprived Benalcazar, the 
conqueror of Quito, of his command in that 
kingdom, and appointed his brother Gonzales to 
take the government of it. Pie inftru(5fed him 
to attempt the difcovery and conqueft of the 
country to the eaft: of the Andes ; which, ac- 
cording to the information of the Indians, 
abounded with cinnamon and other valuable 
fpices. Gonzales, not inferior to any of his 
brothers in courage, and no lefs ambitious of ac- 
quiring di{fin(ftion, eagerly engaged in this diffi- 
cult fervice. He fei out from Quito at the head 
of 34-0 foldiers, near one half of whom were 
horfemen, with 4000 Indians to carry their pro- 
vifions. In forcing their way through the de- 
files, or over the ridges of the Andes, excefs of 

cold 



OF AMERICA. 221 

cold and fatigue, lo neither of which, they were 
accuftomed, proved fatal to the greater part of 
the wretched attendants. The Spaniards, though 
more roburt, and inured to a variety of climates, 
buffered confiderably, and loll fome men ; but 
when they defcended into the low country, fheir 
diflrelles increafed. Daring tv/o «ionths it rained 
incefTiintly, wirhout any interval of fair weather 
long enough to dry their clothes. The vafl: plains 
upon which they were now enterinrg, either altoge- 
ther without inhabitants, or occupied by the 
rudefl and ieall induflrious tribes in the New 
World, yielded little liibfdfenGe. They could notl 
;vdvrnce a ftep but us they cut a road thro^u^^ 
woods, or made it through Hiarflies. Such in,- 
ceffant toil, andcontmur.l icarcity oi food-, feem 
more than fnfficient to have exhrUifled and dii- 
plrited any troops. But the fortitude and per- 
levcrance of the Spaniards iu t!ie 16th century, 
were infuperable. Aliared by freqiU^jnt but fidie 
accounts of rich countries before tkem, they per- 
fhfled in ^ruggling oa, until rhey . reached the 
banks of the Coca or N^apo., one of the large ri- 
vers whofe waters pour into the Mar agnon, and- 
contribute to its grandeur. There, with inquire 
labour, they built a bark, which they expe(fled 
would prove of great utility, both in couveyiag 
then> over rivers, in procuring pravifroas, and 
in exploring the country. This was manned 
whh .50 foldicrs, under the command of Francis 
Orellana, the ofRcer next in rank to Pizarro. 
The fVream carried them down with fuch rapi- 
ciity, th.it they were foon far a-head of their 
counfrymen, who followed flowly and with dif- 
ficulty by land. 

At 



222 GENERAL HISTORY 

At this diftance from his commander, Orella- 
na, a young man of an afpiring mind, began to 
fancy himfeif independent j and, tranfported 
■with the predominant paffion of the age, he form- 
ed the fcheme of diHinguilliing himfeif as a dii^ 
coverer, by following the conrfe of the Marag- 
non until it joined the ocean, and by furvej'ing 
the vaft regions through which it flows. This 
fcheme of Orellana's was as bold as it was treach- 
erous. - For, if he be chargeable with the guilt 
of having violated his duty to his commander, 
and with having abandoned his fellow-foldiersj 
in a pathlefs defert, where they had hardly any 
hopes of fuccefs, or even of fafety, but what 
were founded on the fervice which they expeft- 
ed from the bark, his crime is, in fome meafure, 
balanced by the glory of having ventured upon 
a navigation of near 2000 leagues, through un- 
known nations, in a vefTel haftily conihu(5ied 
with green timber, and by very unfkilful hands, 
without provifions, without acompafs, or a pilot. 
But his courage and alacrity fupplied every dc- 
fe(fV. Committing himfeif fearlefsly to the guid- 
ance of the ftream, the Napo bore him along to 
the fouth, until he reached the great channel of 
the Maragnon. Turning wiiii it towards the 
coafl, he held on his courle in that direftion. He 
made frequent defcents on both fides the river, 
fometimes feizing by force of arms the provifions 
of the fierce favages feated on its banks, aud 
fometimes procuring a fupply of food by a friend- 
ly intercourfe with more gentle tiibes. After a 
Jong fcries of dangers, which he encountered 
with amazing fortitude, and of diftreffes which 
he fupported with no lefs magnanimity, he reach- 
ed 



OF AMERICA, 223 

ed the ocean, where new perils awaited him. 
Thefe he likewife furmounted, and got fafe to 
the Spanifh fettlement in the ifland Cubagua ; 
from thence he failed to Spain. The vanity na- 
tural to travellers who vifit regions unknown to 
the reft of mankind, and the art of an adventur- 
er, felicitous to magnify his own merit, concur- 
red in prompting him to mingle an extraordinary 
proportion of the marvellous in the narrative of 
his voyage. He pretended to have difcovered 
nations fo rich, that the roofs of their temples 
were covered with plates of gold ; and defcribed 
a republic of women fo warlike and powerful, as 
to have extended their dominion over a confider- 
able traft of the fertile plains which he had vifi- 
ted. Extravagant as thofe tales were, they gave 
rife to an opinion, that a region abounding with 
gold, diftinguifhed by the name of El Dorado^ 
and a community of Amazons, were to be found 
in this part of the New World ; and fuch is the 
propenfity of mankind to believe what is won- 
derful, that it has been flowly, and with diffi- 
culty, that reafon and oWervation have exploded 
thofe fables. The voyage, however, even when 
ftripped of every romantic embellifhment, de- 
ferves to be recorded^ not only as one of the 
moft memorable occurrences in that adventurous 
age, but as the firft event that led to any certain 
knowledge of thofe immenfe regions that ftretch 
eaftward from the Andes to the ocean. 

No words can defcribe the confternation of 
Pizarro, when he did not find the bark at the 
confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he 
had ordered Orellana to wait for him. He 
would not allow himfelf to fufpe(fl that a man, 

whom 



224. GENERAL HISTORY 

whom he had entrufted with fuch an important 
command, could be fo bafe and lb unfeeling as 
to dciert him at fuch a juncture* But imputing 
his abfence from the place of rendezvous to fome 
unknown accident, he advanced above 50 leagues 
along the banks of the Maragnon, expe<Si:ing 
every moment to fee the bark appear v/ith aiup- 
ply of provifions. At length he came up with 
an officer whom Orellana had left to perifli ia 
the defert, bfcaufe he had the courage, to re- 
raonftrate againll his perfidy. From him he 
learnt the extent of Orellana's crime j and his 
followers perceived at once their own defperate 
fituation, when deprived of their only refource. 
The fpirit of the ftouteft hearted veteran funk 
within him ; and all demanded to be led back 
inflantly. Pizarro, though he afTumed an ap- 
pearance of tranquillity, did not oppofe their in- 
clination. But he was now 1200 miles from 
Qn^ito ; and in that long march the Spaniards en- 
countered hardfliips greater than thofc they had 
endured in their progrefs outward, without the 
alluring hopes which then foothed and animated 
them under their fufFerings. Hunger compelled 
them to feed on roots ancl berries, to eat all their 
dogs and horfes, to devour the moft loathibme 
reptiles, and even to gnaw the leather of their 
{addles and fword belts. Four thoufand Indians, 
and 210 Spaniards, perifhed in this wild and 
difaftrous expedition, which continued near two 
years ; and as 50 men were aboard the bark with 
Orellana, only 80 got back to Quito. Thelc 
were naked like (livages, and ib emaciated with 
famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had 
more the appearance of fpeffres than of men. 

But, 



OF AMERICA. 2^5 

Butj iaftead of returning to enjoy the repofe 
which his condition required, Pizarro, on enter- 
ing Q^ito, received accounts of a fatal event that 
threatened calamities more dreadful to him than 
thofe through which he had paflTed. From the 
time that his brother made that partial divifion 
of his conquefts which has been mentioned, the 
adherents of Almagro, confidering themfelves as 
profcribed by the party in power, no longer en- 
tertained any hope of bettering their condition. 
Great numbers in defpair, reforted to Lima, 
where the houfe of young Almagro was always 
open to them : and the (lender portion of his fa- 
ther's fortune, which the governor allowed him 
to enjoy, was fpent in affording them fubfiilence. 
The warm attachment with which every perfon 
who ferved under the elder Almagro devoted 
himfelf to his intercfts, was quickly transferred 
to his Ton, who was now grown up to the age of 
manhood, and pofTelTed all the quahties which 
captivate the affe^fions of foldiers. Of a grace- 
ful appearance, dexterous at all martial exercifes, 
bold, open, generous, he feemed to be formed 
for command ; and as his father, confcious of 
his own inferiority from the total want of edu- 
cation, had been extremely attentive to have him 
inftrufled in every fcience becoming a gentleman, 
the accomplifliments which he had acquired, 
heightened the refpe^l of his followers, as they 
gave him dillindlion and eminence among illite- 
rate adventurers. In this young man the Alma- 
grians found a point of union which they want- 
ed ; and looking up to him as their head, were 
ready to undertake any thing for his advancement. 

Nor 
U 



2^ ' GENtRAL HISTORY 

Nor was affetflioD for Almagro their only incite- 
ment \ ihe\ were urged on by their own diftrelT- 
es. Many of them, deftitute of common necel- 
faries, and weary of loitering away Ufe, a bur- 
den to their chief, or to fuch of their aflfociates 
as had faved fome remnant of their fortune from 
pillage and C(>nfifcation, longed impatiently for 
an occcafion tcf exert their adtivityand courage, 
and began to deliberate how they might be aveng- 
ed on the author of all their mifery. Their fre- 
quent cabals 'did not pafs unobferved \ and the 
governor was warned to be on his guard againfl 
men who meditated fame defperate deed, and 
had refolntion to execute it. But, either from 
the native intrepidity of his mind, or from con- 
tempt of pcrfons whoie poverty rendered their 
machinations of little confequence, he difregard- 
ed the admonitions of his friends. " Ee in no 
pain (faid he carelefsly] about my life ; it is per- 
fectly fafc, as long as every man in Peru knows 
that I can in a moment put him to death who 
dares to harbour a thought againfl: it." This fe- 
curity gave the Almagrians full leifure to digell 
and ripen every part of their fcheme ; and Juan 
de Herrada, an officer of great abilities, who 
had the charge of Ahnagro's education, took the 
lead in their confultations, with all the zeal which 
that conne(5lion infpired, and with a!l the autho- 
rity which the afceudant that he was known to 
have over the mind of his pupil gave him. 

On Sunday, the 26th of June, at mid-day, 
the feafon of tranquillity and rcpofe in all fultry 
climates, Herrada, at the head of 18 of the mofl 
determined confpirators, fallied out of Almagro's 
houfe in complete armour; and drawing their 

Iwords 



// 



OF AMERICA. 22v 

iwords as they advanced haftily towards the go- 
vernor's palace, cried out, " Long live the king, 
but let the tyrant die," Their afTjciates, warn- 
ed of their motions by a flgncil, were in arms at 
different ftations ready to fupport them. Though 
Pizarro was ufually farrounded by fuch a nume- 
rous train of attendants as faited the magnifi- 
cence of the mod opulent fubje6f of the age in 
which he lived, yet as he was juft rifen from the 
t.ible, and moft of his own domcftics had re- 
tired to their own apartments, the confpirators 
pafled through the two outer courts of the pii- 
iace unobferved. They were at the bottom of 
the ftaircafe, before a page in waiung could give 
the alarm to his mafler, who was converfing 
with a few friends in a large hall. The govern, 
or, whofe fteady mind no form of danger could 
appal, ftarting up, called for arms, and com- 
manded Francifco de Chaves to make faft the 
door. But that officer, who did not retain fo 
much prefence of mind as to obey this prudent 
order, running to the top of the fluircafe, wildly 
afked the confpirators what they meant, and 
whither they were going ? Inflcad of anfvvering, 
they flabbed him to the heart, and burft into 
the hall. Some of the perfons who were there, 
threw themfelves from the window ; others at- 
tempted to fly •, and a few drawing their fvvords, 
followed their leader into an inner apartment. 
The confpirators, animated with having the ch- 
je(5l of their vengeance now in view, ruOned for- 
ward after them. Pizarro, with no other arms 
than his fword and buckler, defended the entry, 
and fupported by his half-brother Alcantara and 
iiis Httle knot of fritnds, maintained the unequal 

conteft 



^28 GENERAL HISTORY 

conteft with Intrepidity worthy of his paft ex- 
ploits, and with the vigour' of a youthful com- 
batant. ** Courage (cried he), companions, we 
are yet enow to make thoie traitors repent of 
their audacity." But the armour of the confpi- 
rators prote(fled them, while every thrufl: they 
made took effe6l. Alcantara fell dead at his 
brother's feet ; his other defendants were mor- 
tally wounded. The governor, fo weary, that 
he could hardly wield his fword, and no longer 
able to parry the many weapons furiouQy aimed 
at him, received a deadly thruft full in his throat, 
funk to the ground, and expired. 

As foon as he was (lain, the afTaflins ran out 
into the ftree ts, and waving their bloody fwords, 
proclaimed the death of the tyrant. Above 200 
of their afTociates having joined them, they con- 
du(5>ed young Almagro in folemn procefTion 
through the city; nndafTcfmbiing the magiilrates 
and principal citizens, compelled them to ac- 
knowledge him as lawful fucceflbr to his father 
in his government. The palace of PizL»rro, to- 
gether with the houfes of feveral of his adherents, 
were pillaged by the foldiers ; who had the la- 
lisfadtion at once of being avenged on their ene- 
mies, and of enriching thendelves by the fpoiis 
of thoie through whole hands ali the wealth of 
Peru had pa (Ted. 

The new governor marched into the heart of 
the empire, in order to reduce iuch places as re- 
fufcd to acknowledge his authority. A multi- 
tude of ruffians joined him on his march. His 
army breaihcc' nothing but vengeance and plun- 
der : every thing gave way before it. If the 
military talents of the general had equalled the 

ardou.' 



OF AMERICA. 229 

ardour of his troops, the war had ended here. 
Unhappily for Ahuagro, he had loft his con- 
du<5i:or John de Herrada. His inexperience made 
him fall into the fnares that were laid for him by 
Pedro Alvares, who had pat himfelf at the head 
of the oppofite party. He loft, in attempting to 
unravel his plots that time that he ought to have 
employed in fighting. In thefe circumftances, 
an event, which no one could have forefeen, 
happened to change the face of affairs. 

The licentiate Vaca di Caftro, who had been 
Tent from Europe to try the murderers of old 
Almagro, arrived at Peru. As he was appe)int- 
ed to aiTume the government in cafe Pizarro was 
no more, all who had not fold themfelves to the 
tyrant haftened to ackpowiedge him. Uncer- 
tainty and jealoufy, which had for too long a 
rime kept them difperfed, were no longer an ob- 
il:acle to their re-union. Caftro, who was as 
rcfolute as if he had grown old in the fervice, did 
not fuffer their impatience to languifti, but in- 
ftantiy led them again ft the enemy. The two 
armies engaged at Chapas on the 16th of Sep- 
tember 1542, and fought with inexprefhble ob- 
ftinacy. Vi6>ory, after having wavered a long 
time, at the clofe of the day decided in favour of 
that party whofe caufe was the moft juft. Thofe 
among the rebels who were moft guilty, dread- 
ing to languifti under difgraceful tortures, pro- 
voked the conquerors to murder them, crying 
out, like men in defpair," //" w^j- / ivho killed Pi- 
xarro. Their chief was taken prifoner, and died 
on the fcaffold. 

While thefe fcenes of horror were tranfaf^ing 

la America, the Spaniards in Europe were em- 

U z ployed 



230 GENERAL HISTORY 

ployed in finding out expedients to teraiinate 
ihem j though no mcafnres had been taken to 
prevent them. Peru had only been made fubjedt 
to the audience of Panama, which was too re- 
mote to fuperintend the maintainance of good or- 
der, and had too little influence to make its de- 
crees refpe6ted. A fupreme tribunal was then 
cftabliflied at Lima for the difpenfation of juf- 
tice, which was to be invefled with authority 
fufficicnt to enforce and to reward a due obe- 
dience to the laws. Blafco Nunez Vela, who 
prefided in it as viceroy, arrived in ISl^, at- 
tended by his fubordinates in office, and found 
every thing in the mod dreadful diforder. 

To put an end to thefe tumults which now 
iubfifbed, would have required a profound ge- 
nius, and many other qualities which are ieldom 
united. Nunez had none of thefe advantages. 
Nature had only given him probity, firm.ncf<, 
and ardour j aud he had taken no pains to im- 
prove thefe gifts. With thefe virtues, which 
were almoft defcds in his fituation, he began to 
fulfil his commiflion, without regard to places, 
perfons, or cir cum fiances. 

Contrary to the opinion of all intelligent per- 
fons who wifhed that he fhould wait for fre/l> 
inflrudlions from Europe, he publifhed ordinan- 
ces, which declared that the lands the conquerors 
had feized (hould not pafs to their defcendants, 
and which difpoffeffcd thofe who had taken part 
in the civil commotions. All the Peruvians who 
had been enflaved by monks, bilhops, and per- 
fons belonging to the government, were declar- 
ed free. Thofe who belonged to other mailers 
were to be freed from theij Ihackles at the death 

of 



OF AMERICA. 231 

of their oppreffors. They could no longer be 
compelled to bury themfelves in the mines, nor 
could any kind of labour be exafted from them 
without payment. Their tribute was fixed. The 
Spaniards who travelled on foot were deprived 
of the right of taking three Indians to carry their 
baggage; and ti^ofe who travelled on horfeback, 
of the right of taking five, fhe caciques were 
difcharged from the obligation of furnifhing the 
traveller and his retinue with provifions gratis. 
Other tyrannical cdablifhments alfo would foon 
have been profcribed j and the conquered people 
were on the eve of being fncltered under the pro- 
tection of laws, which would at leafl have tem- 
pered the rigours of the light of conquefl, if 
even they had not entirely repaired the injullice 
of them ; but it fnould feem that the Spanifli 
government was only to be unfortunate in the 
good it attempted to effect 

A change {o unexpedf ed filled thofe with con- 
Aernation who faw their fortunes wrefled from 
them, or who loft the fluttering hope of tranf- 
mitting them to their pofteri*y. Even thofe v»'ho 
were not affecfted by thefe intereftcd view's, be- 
ing accuftomed to look upon the Indians as the 
inftruments and vi6tims of their avarice, had no 
conception that any other ideas could prevail con- 
cerning them. From aiionifhment they pro- 
ceeded to indignation, murmuring, and feJition. 
The viceroy v/as degraded, put in irons, and ba- 
nifhed to a defert ifiand, till he could be con- 
veyed to Spain. 

Gonzales Pizarro was then returned from his 
hazardous expedition, which had employed him 
long enough to prevent him from taking a part 



232 * GENERAL HISTORY 

in thofe revolutions which had fo rapidly fuc- 
ceeded each other. The anarchy he found pre- 
vailing at his return, infpired him with the idea 
of fcizing the fupreme authority. His fame and 
his forces made it impoffible that this fhoald be 
refuied him ; but his ufurpation was marked 
with fo many enormities, that Nunez was re- 
gretted. He was recalled from exile, and foon col- 
leded a fufficient number of forces to enable him 
to take the field. Civil commotions were then 
renewed with extreme fury by both parties. No 
quarter was aficed or given on either fidt. The 
Indians took part in this as they had done in the 
preceding wars ; fome ranged thcmfelvcs under 
the ftandard of the viceroy, others under 
the banners of Gonzales. From 15,000 to 
20,000 of thefe unhappy wretches, who were 
fcattered about in each army, dragged up the ar- 
tillery, levelled the roads, carried the baggage, 
and deftroyed one another. Their conqu:rors 
had taught them to be fanguinary. After a va- 
riety of advantages for a long time alternately 
obtained, fortune at length favoured the rebellion 
under the walls of Quito in the month of Janu- 
ary, in the year 1545 ; and Nunez with the 
grentefl: part of his men were maffacred. 

Pizarro took the road of Lima, where they 
were deliberating on the ceremonies with which 
they fhould receive him. Some officers wifhed 
that a canopy (hould be earned for him to march 
under, after the manner of kings. Others, with 
aduladon ftill more extravagant, pretended that 
part of the walls of the town, and even fome 
houfcs, mult be pulled down ; as was -he cuftom 
at Rome, when a general obtained the hont.urs 
of a triumph. Gonzales contented himfelf with 

making 



OF AMERICA. 2i>3 

making his entrance on horfeback, preceded by 
his lieutenant, who marched on foot. Four 
bifliops accompanied him, and he was followed 
by the magiftrates. The ftreets were lUewn 
with flowers, and the air ref(-)ur!ded with the 
noife of bells and various mudcal inftrumcnts. 
This homage totally turned the head of a man 
naturally haughty, and of confined ideas. He 
fpoke and a(^ed in the moft defpotic manner. 

Had Gonzales polTelTed judgment and the ap- 
pearance of moderation, it would have been pof- 
fible for him to render himlelf independent. The 
principal perfons of his party wifned it. The 
majority would have beheld this event with in- 
difference, and the red would have been obliged 
to confent to it. Blind cruelties, infatiable ava- 
rice, and unbounded pride, altered thefc difpo- 
fitions. Even thofe, whofe interells were con- 
ne(fied with thofe of the tyrant, wifhed for a 
deliverer. 

Such a deliverer arrived from Europe in the 
perfon of the licentiate Pedro di la Gafca. The 
Iquadron and the provinces r>f the mountains im- 
medi.itely declared for a perfon who was invef^ed 
with a lawful authority to govern them. Thole 
who lived concealed in deferts, caverns, and fo- 
refts, quitted their retreats to join him. Gon- 
zales, who faw no refource left to fupport him 
biu in fome great atchievement, took the road of 
Cuzco, with a refolution to give battle. At 
fome leagues diflance from this place he met the 
royal army, and attacked it on the 9th of June 
1548 One of his lieutenants, feeing him aban- 
doned at the firfl charge by his beft Ibldiers, ad- 
vifcd him to throw himfeif into the enemy's bat- 
talions, 



2B4 GENERAL HISTORY 

talions, and periili like a Roman : but this weak 
man chofc rather to* furrender, and end his life 
on a fcafTold. Carvajal, a more able warrior, 
and more ferocious than himfelf, was quartered. 
This man, u'hen he was expiring, boafted that 
he had mafTacred with his own hand 1100 Span- 
iards and 20,000 Indians. 

Such was the laft fcene of a tragedy, of which 
every a(St has been marked with blood. The 
government was moderate enough not to continue 
the profcriptions ; and the remembrance of the 
horrid calamities they had fuffered kept the Span- 
iards in the bounds cf fubjc(ftion. What flill 
remained of that commotion that had been raifed 
in their minds, infenfibly funk into a calm *, aad 
the country hath remained in quiet ever fince. 

With regard to the Peruvians, the moft cruel 
meafures were taken to render it impoflible for 
them to rebel. Tupac Amaru, the heir of their 
lad king, had taken refuge in fome remote moun- 
tains, where he lived in peace. There he was 
fo clofely fnrrounded by the troops which had 
been fent out againfl" him, that he was forced to 
iurrender. The viceroy Francis de Toledo caufed 
him to be accufed of feveral crimes that he had 
not committed, and for which he was beheaded 
in l,07l. AH the other defcendants cf the Incas 
{hared the fame fate, under pretence that they 
had conipired againll their conquerors. The 
horror of thefe enormities excited fo univerfal an 
indignation both in the Old and the New World, 
that Philip II. thought himfelf obliged to difa- 
vow them ; but the infamous policy of this 
prince was lb notorious, that no credit was given 
to this appearance of his iiiflice and humanity. 

CHAP. 



OF AMERICA. ' 235 

CHAP XIV. 



Divifton of Amerka^its Produa'ions—its different 
PoJ/effors---Fqft Extent of the Britlfh Poffejfons 
before the late Revolution. 

JN OT WITHSTANDING the many fet- 
dements of the Europeans in this continent, great 
part of America remains ftill unknown. The 
northern continent contains the Britifh colonies 
of HudfonsVBay, Canada, and Nova-Scotia : 
The New-England flates, and thofe of New- 
York, New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Maryland, 
Virginia, North, and South, Carolina, and Geor- 
gia. It contains, alfo, the Spanifh territories of 
Eaft nnd Weft Florida, Louifiana, New-Mex- 
ico, California, and Mexico. Befides thefe, 
there are immenfe regions to the weft, and north, 
the boundaries of which have never yet been dif- 
covered.* In fuch as are in any degree known, 
dwell the Efquimaux, the Algonquin*^, the Hu- 
rons, the Iroquois, the Chorokee, the Chicka- 
iaws, and many oiher tribes of Indian?^. In the 
fouthern lie the Spanifti provinces of Terra Fir- 
ma. Guiana, Peru, Paraguay, and Chili; to- 
gether with that of Braill, belonging to the Por- 
tuguefe ; and the country of Surinam, belonging 
to the Dutch. Vaft trafts, however, in the in- 
land parts are unknown, being comprehended 
under the general name of Amazonia. A large 
diftri<fi:, alfo, laid to be the refidence of a gigan- 
tic race of men, lies on the eaft fide of the con- 
tinent. 



236 GENERAL HISTORY 

tinent, between the flraits of Magellan and the 
province ot Paraguay. 

This vaft country produces many of the me- 
tals, minerals, plants, fruits, trees, and wood 
to be met with in the other parts of the world, 
and many of them in greater quantities, and in 
high perfe<5lion. The gold and filver of Ame- 
rica have fupplied Europe with fuch immenfe 
quantities of thofe valuable metals, that they are 
become valHy more common •, fo that the gold 
and filver of Europe now bear little proportion 
to the high price fet upon them before the dif- 
covery of America. 

It alfo produces diamonds, pearls, emeralds, 
amethyfts, and other valuable {tones, which, by 
being brought into Europe, have contributed, 
likewife, to lower their value. To thefe, which 
are chiefly the produdions of Spani(h America, 
may be added a great number of other commo- 
dities, which, though of lefs price, are of much 
greater ule. Of thefe are the plentiful fupplies 
of cochineal, indigo, anatto, logwood, brazil, 
fuftic, pimento, lignum vit3e, rice, ginger, cocoa, 
or the chocolate-nut, fugar, cotton, lobacco, 
banillas, red-wood, the balfasns of Tolu, Peru, 
and Chili, that valuable article, in medicine, the 
Jefult's bark, machoacan, laflafras, farfaparilla, 
caffia, tamarinds, hides, furs, ambergris, and 
a great variety of woods, roots and plants ; to 
which, before the difcovery of America, the 
Europeans were entire Itrangers, or which they 
were forced to buy at an extravagant rate from 
Afia and Africa, through the hands of the Ve- 
netians and Genoefe, who then engroffed the 
trade of the Eaftern- World. 

On 



OF AMERICA. 237 

On this continent there grows alfo a variety 
of excellent native fruits j as pine-apples, citrons, 
lemons, oranges, malicatons, figs, grapes, great 
numbers of culinary, medicinal, and other herbs, 
roots, and plants, with many exotic producflions, 
which are nourilhed in as great perfection as in 
their native foil. ■ 

Although the Indians ftill live in the quiet 
pofTelTion of many large tra6^s, America, fo far as 
known, is chielly claimed, and divided into 
colonies, by three European nations, the Span^ 
iards, Englifli and Portuguefe. The Spaniards, 
as they firft difcovered it, have the largeit and 
richeft portion, extending from Nevv-Mexico, 
and Louifiana, in North- America, to the Straits 
of Magellan, in the South-Sea, excepting the 
large province of Brafil, which belongs to Portu- 
gal-, for though the French and Dutch have 
fome forts upon the Surinam and* Guiana, they 
fcarcely deferve to be confidered as proprietor ^ 
of any part of the fouthern continent. 

N^xt to Spain, the mod confiderable propri- 
etor of America was Great Britain, who derived 
her claim to North-America from the firft difco- 
very of that continent by Sebaftian Cabot, in the 
name of Henry VIL anno 14-97, about fix years 
after the difcovery of South- America by Colum- 
bus, in the name of the king of Spain. This 
country was in general called Newfound-land ; 
a name which is now appropriated folely to an 
iQand upon its coall. It was a long time before 
the Englifli made any attempt to fettliJ in this 
country. Sir Walter Raleigh, an uncommon 
genius, and a brave commander, firft (howed the 

way, 
X 



238 GENERAL HISTORY 

way, by planting a colony in the fouthern part, 
which he calJcd Virgimaf in honour of his vir- 
gin miflrefs, Queen Elizabeth. 

The French indeed, from this period until the 
conclufion of the war before laO, laid a claim to, 
and adlually pofTefTed Canada, and Louifiana ; 
comprehending all that extenfive inland country, 
reaching from HudfonVBay, on the north, to 
Mexico and the gulph of the fame name, on the 
fouth. But, in that war, they were not only 
driven from Canada and its dependencies, but 
obliged to relinquifli all that part of Louifiana 
lying on the eall: fide of the Mifliffippi. And 
thus the British colonies were preferved, fecured, 
and extended fo far, as to render it difficult to 
afcertain the precife bounds of the empire of 
Great-Britain in North-America. To the north- 
ward they might hare extended their claims quite 
to the pole itldf, nor did any nation feem in- 
clined to difpute the property of this northern- 
mofl country with them. From that extremity 
they had a territory extending fouthward, to 
Cape Florida in the Gulph of Mexico, N. Lat. 
25°, and confequently near 4000 miles long in 
a direfl line. And to the weftward, their boun- 
daries reached to nations unknown even to the 
Indians of Canada. 

Of the revolution that has fince taken place, 
by which a great part of thofe territories has 
been torn from the Britidi empire, the hiflory 
follows in the next book. 

HISTORT 



H I s r o R r 



OF THE 



::^nienca« 3lSlelj0ltttiott. 



BOOK 11. 



CHAPTER I. 

Sfale and CharaHer of the BrltiJJj Colonies at the 
end of the War, 17 6S-^Caufe of the Di/lurb^ 
ances — Proceedings in the Colonies^ previous to 
the Commencement cf HoJ}ilitles> 



o 



F the rife and edablifhmenc of this re- 
public, which has given a new face to the wefl- 
ern world, a fuccinft and impartial narrative 
ihall in this article be attempted ; in which, how- 
ever, we cannot hope entirel)' to avoid errors, 
as they are perhaps unavoidable. The accounts 
from which the hiftorian muft derive his infor- 
mation are not yet cleared from the miftakes of 

prejudice 



240 GENERAL HISTORY 

prejudice, and the fabrications of Party ; when 
they differ, their comparative authenticity is with 
difficulty afcertained ; and they want, above all, 
that foftening which they can receive from time 
alone. 

The beginnings even of the moft celebrated 
political inftitutions of the old world, are gene- 
rally involved in fable and obfcurity : The bar- 
barous manners of favage tribes in the early and 
uncultivated flate of fociety, renders the refearch- 
es of the hiftorian painful and unfatisfaflory. 
Very different were the circumftances which gave 
birth to this new republic, which at a future pe- 
riod, bids fair to furpafs even the fplendor of 
Rome. 

The flate of the Britidi colonies at the conclu- 
ficn of the war in 1763, was fuch as artra6led 
the attention of all the politicians hi Europe. 
Their flourifhlng condition at that period was re- 
markable and ftriking ; their trade had profpered 
in the midft of all the difficulties and diftrefles of 
a war in which they were fo nearly and {o im- 
mediately concerned. Their population conti- 
nued on the increafe, notwithfianding the rava- 
ges and depredations that had been {o fiercely 
carried on by the French, and the native Indians 
in their alliance. They abounded with fpirited 
and a£live individuals of all denominations. They 
were (iufhed with the uncommon profperity that 
had attended them in their commercial affairs 
and military tranfaiSlions. Hence they were 
ready for all kind of undertakings, and faw no 
limits to their hopes and expectations. 

As they entertained the highefl opinion of 
their value and importance, and of the immenlb 

bent'Mt 



OF AMERICA. 2il 

b3nefitthat Britain derived from its conneflion 
with them, their notions were adequately high 
in their own favour. They deemed themfelves, 
not without reafon, entitled to every kindnefs 
and indulgence which the mother country could 
beflow. 

Although their pretenilons did not amount to 
a perfedl equality of advantages and privileges in 
matters of commerce, yet in thofe of govern- 
ment they thought themfelves fully competent to 
the tafk of condvKfting their domeftic concerns, 
with little or no interference from abroad. 
Though willing to admit the fupremacy of Great 
Britain, they viewed it with a fufiVicious eye and 
with a marked defire to reftrain it within its flridl 
conHitutional boundaries. 

Their improvements in all the nccefTary and 
iifeful arts did honor to their induftry and inge- 
nuity. Though they did not live in the luxury 
of Europe, they had all the folid and fubftantial 
enjoyments of life, and were not unacquainted 
with many of its elegancies and refinements. 

A circumflance much to their praife is, that 
notwithflanding their peculiar addi<flion to ihofe 
occupations of which lucre is the fole objeff, 
they were duly attentive to cultivate the field of 
learning ; and they have, ever fmce their firil 
foundation, been particularly careful to provide 
for the education of the rifing progeny. 

rheir vaft augmentation of internal trade and 
external commerce, was not merely owing to 
their pofition and facility of communication with 
other parts : it arofe alf • fro m their natural turn 
and temper, full of fchemes and projedts ; ever 

aiming 
X 2 



242 GENERAL HISTORY 

aiming at new difcoverles, and continually em- 
ployed in the fearch of the means of improving 
their condition. 

Their condition carried them into every quar- 
ter from whence proilt could be derived. There 
was fcarcely any part of the American hemifphere 
to which they had not extended their navigation. 
They were continually exploring new fources of 
trade, and were found in every fpot where bufi- 
nefs could be tranfaded. 

To this extenfive and incefTant application to 
commerce, they added an equal vigilance in the 
adminiftration of their affairs at home. What- 
ever could conduce to the amelioration of the 
foil they poffefled, to the progrefs of agriculture, 
or to the improvement of their domeftic circum- 
flances, was attended to with fo much labour 
and care, that it may be Ibiftly fa.id that Nature 
had given them nothing of which they did not 
make the mod. 

In the midft of this folicltude and toil in mat- 
ters of bufinefs, the affairs of government were 
conduced with fteadinefs, prudence, and lenity, 
feldom experienced, and never exceeded, in the 
beft regulated countries of Europe. 

Such was ihe fituation of the Britifti colonies 
in general throughout North-America, and of 
the New-England provinces in particular, when 
the pacification above-mentioned opened one of 
the mod remarkable fcenes that ever commanded 
the attention of the world. 

In treating of the American revolution, it has 
become a fafliion with the Englifh writers to 
afcribe that event to the fuccefsful intrigues of 
the French government. Inftead of contemplat- 
ing 



OF AMERICA. 243 

ing it, with the charaiHieriftic philofophy of 
their country, as the refuh of the contcU between 
the defire of power, and the abhorrence of op- 
preffion, they have fought the origin of the evil 
in any fource rather than their own mifcondudl ; 
and have endeavoured at once, to hufii the re- 
proaches of their political confcience, and to gra- 
tify the cravings of their national anlmoilty, in 
wild conjectures of a fcheme formed by their 
neighbours to divide the Britifli Empire, and in 
declamatory inveftives againfl the Gallic faith 
and honour. Thus it has been repeatedly avert- 
ed, that the French having long viewed, with 
equal envy and apprehenlion, the flourifhing 
flate of the colonies which Britain had founded 
in America, began immediately alter the peace of 
Paris, to carry into execution their projeft for 
feparating thofe colonies from the mother coun- 
try. Secret emifTaries, it is faid, were employed 
in fpreading dj (TatisfaClion among the colonies ; 
and the effecTts produced by thefe machinating 
fpirits are defcribed to have been a rapid diminu- 
tion of that peculiar warmth of attachment, 
which the inhabitants of North-America had 
hitherto demonftrated for the mother country ; 
the excitement of a jealoufy which led them to 
view her rather in the light of a fovereign than 
of a parent j and the introdu6lion of a hoflile 
policy which taught them to examine, with a 
fcrupulous nicety, the nature of thofe ties that 
rendered them parts of her empire. That fuch 
emiffaries were ever employed, is a h6t unfup- 
ported by any document which the purity of 
hiflorical truth can admit ; and although the ef- 
fe(fts here defcribed, have certainly appeared, it 

mull 



2U GENERAL HISTORY 

murt be remembered that their appearance fol- 
lowed, but did not precede, the attempts ot 
Britain upon the rights and liberties of America. 
By mere artifice and addrefs to have alienated 
the affetftions of the colonifts from their mother 
coimtry, at the clofe of a war in which their 
interefts and feelings had been interwoven with 
more than ufual ftrength and energy, was a talk 
of infinite difficulty ; not furely to be accompllfh- 
ed in the Ihort period between the declaration of 
peace in 1763, and the promulgation of the firft 
obnoxious afls of the Brinfn parliament in 1764. 
But, if we trace thefe efFecTts to another caufe, to 
a love of liberty, and a quick fenfe of injury, 
their appearance will be natural and jufl ; con- 
fident with the American character, and corref- 
ponding with the conduft which was difplayed 
in all the viciffitudes that attended the revolt. 

In March, 1764, a bill was pafTed, by which 
heavy duties were laid on goods imported by the 
colonics from fuch Weft-Iudia Ifiands as did 
not belong to Great Britain ; at the fame time 
that thefe duties were to be paid into the exche- 
quer in fpecie *, and in the fame feffion, another 
bill was framed to retrain the currency of paper 
money in the colonies themfelves. Not only the 
principle of taxation, but the mode of collecflioa 
was confidered as an unconfiitutional and op- 
preflive innovation *, for the penalties incurred by 
an infradlion of the a<5ls of parliament, might be 
recovered in the courts of admiralty before a 
fingle judge (whofe falary was the fruit of the 
forfeitures he decreed) without trial by jury, 
or any of the other benefits of common law 
jurifprudence. Thefe aifls coming fo clofe to 

each 



OF AMERICA. 245 

each other threw the whole continent into the 
utmoftfferment. Vehement remonil ranees were 
made to the miniriry, and every argument made 
ufe of, that realbn or ingenuity could fugged, 
but to no purpofe. Their realbning, however, 
convinced a great number of people in Britain ; 
and thus the American caufe came to be confi- 
dered as the caufe of liberty. 

The Americans, finding all argumentation 
vain, at laft united in an agreement to import no 
more of the manufadlures of Great Britain, but 
to encourage to the urmoft of their power every 
thing of that kind among themfelves. Thus the 
Britidi manufacturers alfo became a party againft 
the miniftry, and did not fail to exprefs their re- 
fentment in the ftrongeft terms ; but the miniftry 
were not to be fo eafily daunted, and therefore 
proceeded to the laft ftep of their intended plan, 
which was to lay on flamp duties throughout the 
continent. Previous to this indeed^ feveral re- 
gulations were pafTed in favour of the commerce 
of the colonies ; but they had now imbibed fuch 
unfavourable fentiments of the Britidi miniftry, 
that they paid very little regard to any thing pre- 
tended to be done in their favour •, or if thefe 
a6ls made any favourable impredion, it was 
quickly obliierated by the news of the ftamp-acSl. 
The reafon given for this aft, fo exceedingly ob- 
noxious, was, that a fum might be raifed fuffici- 
ent for the defence of the colonies againfl: a fo- 
reign enemy ; but this pretence was To far from 
giving any fatisfafiion to the Americans, that it 
excited their indignation to the utmoft degree. 
They not only alTerted that they v/ere abundant- 
ly able to defend themfelves againft any foreign 

enemy, 



246 GENERAL HISTORY 

enemy, but denied that the Britifh parliament 
had any right to tax rhem at all. 

It would be fuperfluous to enter into any argu- 
ments ufed by the contending parties on this im- 
portant occafion. It was evident that the matter 
was not to be decided by argument, but by force 
of arms ; and the Biitifh miniftry, too confident 
of the authority and power of that country, 
determined to carry on matters with an high 
hand, to terrify the colonifts into an implicit fub- 
je(flion, or, if that would not do, to compel them 
to it by force. The ftamp-afl, after a violent 
oppofition in parliament, was pafTed, and its re- 
ception in America was fuch as might have beea 
expe(rted. The news, and the a<ft itfelf, firft 
arrived at Bofton, where the bells were muffled 
and rung a funeral peal. The a6l was firft 
hawked about the ftreets with a Death's head, 
affixed to ir, and Ayled the " Folly of England, 
and the Ruin of America •,'' and afterwards pub- 
licly burnt by the enraged populace : The ftamps 
themfelves were feized and deftroyed, unlefs 
brought by men of war, or kept in fortified 
places ; thole who were to receive the ftamp du- 
ties were compelled to refign their offices ; and 
luch of the Americans as fided with government 
on this occafion, had their houfes plundered and 
defiroyed. 

Though thefe outrages were committed by 
the multitude, they were firft connived at by 
thofe of fuperior rank, and the principles on 
which they were founded afterwards openly pa- 
tronized by them ; and the do6lrine became ge- 
neral and openly avowed, that Britain had no 

right 



OF AMERICA. 247 

right whatever to tax the colonies without their 
own confent. 

It was now found abfoJutely necefTary either 
to yield to the Americans, by repealing the ob- 
noxious flatutes, or to enforce 'them by arms. 
The ferment had diiFufed itfelf univerfally 
throughout the colonies. Virginia firft, and af- 
ter that all the reflr of the provinces,, declared 
againft the right of Britain to lay on taxes in 
America ; and that every attempt to vefl others 
with this power befides the king, or the gover- 
nor of the province and his general aOembly, was 
illegal, unconftirutional, and unjuft. Non-impor- 
tation agreements were every where entered in- 
to ; and it was even refolved to prevent the fale 
of any more Britifh goods after the prefent year. 
American manufaaures, though dearer as well 
as inferior in quality to the Britifli, were uni- 
verfally preferred. An affociation was entered 
into againft eating of lamb, in order to promote 
the growth of wool ; and the ladies with cheer- 
fulnefs agreed to renounce the ufe of every fpe- 
cies of ornament manufa<5lured in Britain. Such 
a general and alarming confederacy determined 
the miniftry to repeal fome of the moft obnox- 
ious ftatutes ; and to this they were the more in- 
clined by a petition from the'firft American con- 
grefs, held at New- York in the bemnning of 
Oaober 17S5. ^ ^ 

The ftamp-adl was therefore repealed, to the 
univerfal joy of the Americans, and indeed to 
the general fatisfadlion of the Englifli, whofe 
manufaflures had begun to fufFer very feverely 
in confequence of the American affociation, 
againft them. The difputes on the fubjea with- 
out 



248 GENERAL HISTORY 

out doors, however, were by no means fi'.enced, 
but each party continued to argoe the cafe as vi- 
olently as ever. The celebnued Dr Brnjcimin 
Franklin was, on this occalion examined before 
the Houfe of Commons •, and his opinion was in 
fubftance as follows : 

<* That the tax in queftion was imprafticable 
and ruinous. The very attempt had fo far ali- 
enated the affeflion of the coloniesj that they be- 
haved in a lefs friendly manner towards the na- 
tives of England than before; confidering the 
whole nation as confpiring again ft their liberty, 
and the parliament as willing rather to opprefs 
than to fupport and aflift them. America, in 
facTl, did not ftand in any need of Britifh raanu- 
faflures, having already begun to conftruft fuch 
as might be deemed abiolutely neceffary, and 
that with fuch fuccefs, as left no doubt of their 
arriving in a (hort time at perfedlion. The ele- 
gancies of drefs had already been renounced for 
manufadlures of the American kind, though 
much inferior ; and the bulk of the people, con- 
fifting of farmers, were fwch as could in no way 
be affected by the want of Britifh commodities, 
as having every neceflary within themfelves. 
Materials of all kinds were to be had in great 
plenty •, the wool was fine ; flax grew in great 
abundance; and iron was eveiy where to be met 
with." 

The doaor alfo infifted. That " the Ameri- 
cans had been greatly mifreprefcnted ; that they 
had been traduced as void of gratitude and affec- 
tion for the parent ftate; than which nothing 
could be more contrary to truth. In the war of 
1755 they had, at their own cxpenfe, raifed an 

army 



OF AMERICA. 24.9 

army of 25,000 men •, and in that of 1739, they 
afTifted the Britifh expeditions againft South- 
America with feveral thoufand men, and had made 
many brave exertions againft the French in North 
America. It was faid that the war of 1755 had 
been undertaken in the defence of the colonies ; 
but the truth was, that it originated from a con- 
teft about the limits between Canada and Nova- 
Scotia, and in defence of the Englifli rights to 
trade on the Ohio. The Americans, however, 
would flill continue to s.£t with their ufuai fide- 
lity ; and, were any war to break out in which 
they had no concern, they would iliow them- 
felves as ready as ever to affift the parent flate 
to the utmoft of their power, and would never 
fail to manifeft their readinefs in contributing to 
ihe emergencies of government when called to 
do {o in a regular and conftitutional manner." 

The miniftry were confcious, that in repealing 
this obnoxious a6l, they yielded to the Ameri- 
cans ; and therefore, to fupport, as they thought, 
the dignity of Great Britain, it was judged pro- 
per to publifh a declaratory bill, fetting forth 
the authority of the mother-country over her 
colonies, and her power to bind them by laws 
and ftatutes in all cafes ivhatever. This much 
diminiflied the joy with which the repeal of the 
flamp-a(5l was received in America. It was con- 
fidered as a proper reafon to enforce any claims 
equally prejudicial with the ftamp-a6l, which 
might hereafter be fet up \ a fpirit of jealoufy 
pervaded the whole continent, and a ftrong party 
was formed, watchful on every occafion to 
guard againft the encroachments of the Britifti 
power. 

Y It 



'250 GENERAL HISTORY 

It was not long before an occafion offered, in 
"which the Americans manifefied a fpirit of in- 
dependency ; and that inllead of being bound 
by the Eritiih legillature in all cafes, ihey would 
not be controled by it in the moft trivial affairs. 
The Rockingham minlHry, had pafTed an a6^, 
providing the troops (tationed in different parts 
of the colonies with fuch accommodations as 
were necefTary for them. The. afTembly of New 
York, however, took upon them to alter the 
mode of execution prefcribed by the aift of par- 
liament, and to fubftitute one of their own. This 
gave very great offence to the new miniflry, and 
rendered them, though compofed of thofe who 
had been a61ive againft the llamp-bill, lefs fa- 
vourable to the colonies than in all probability 
they would otherwife have been. An unlucky 
circumftance at the fame time occurred, which 
threw every thing once more into confufion. 
One of the new miniftry, Mr. Charles Townf- 
hend, having declared that he could find a way 
of taxing the Americans without giving offence, 
was called upon to propofe his plan. This was 
by impofing a duty upon tea, paper, painters 
colours, and glafs imported into America. The 
condu(5l of the New York affembly, rcfpecling 
the troops, and that of Bofton, which had pro- 
ceeded in a flmilar manner, caufed this bill to 
meet with lefs oppofition than otherwife it m.ight 
have done. As a punitliment to the refraf^ory 
affemblies, the legiflative power was taken from 
that of New York, until it fhould fully comply 
with the terms of the a^l. That of iJofton at 
laft fubmitted with reludtancc. Ihe bill for the 

new 



OF AMERICA. 2.51 

new taxes was quickly palTed, and feat to Anae- 
rica in 1768. 

A ferment much greater than that occafioned 
by the flamp-afl now took place throughout the 
continent. The populace renewed their out- 
rages, and thofe of iuperior Nation entered into 
regular afrociations againfl it. Circular letters 
were fent from MafTichufetts colony to all the 
reH:, fetting forth the injuftice and impropriety 
of the behaviour of the Britifh legiflature. Meet- 
ings were held in all the principal towns, in 
which it was propofed to ieffen the confumption 
of foreign manufa<ftures, by giving proper en- 
couragement to their own. Continual difputcs 
cni'ued betwixt the governors and general affem- 
blies of their provinces, which were much%heigh- 
tened by a letter from lord Shelburne to gover- 
nor Bernard of MafTachufetts-Bay, containing 
complaints of the people he governed. The af- 
fembly exafperated to the highefl degree, charg.-^d 
their governor with having mifreprefented them 
to the court of Britain, required him to produce 
copies of the letters he had fent ; and, on his 
refufal, wrote letters to the EngllQi minillry, ac- 
cuiing him of mifreprefentntion and partiality, 
complaining at die fame time mof\ grievoufly cf 
the proceedings of parliamenr, as utterly fubver- 
five of the liberties of America, and the rights 
of BritiHi fabjec1:s. 

The governor, at a lofs liow to defend him- 
ielf, prorogued the affembly ; and in his fpcech 
on the occafion, gave a loofe to his refentmcnt, 
accufing the members of ambitious dcfigns, in- 
compatible with ihofe of dutiful and loyal fub- 
je^ls. To counteraift the circular letter of the 

province 



252 GENERAL HISTORY 

province of MafTachufetts-Bay, Lord Killfbo- 
rough, fecretary for the American department, 
lent another to the governors of the different co- 
lonies, reprobating the other as full of mifrepre- 
fentation, and tending to excite a rebellion againfl 
the authority of the parent (late. 

Matters now hadened to a crifls. The -go- 
vernor had been ordered to proceed with vigour, 
and by no means to (how any difpofition to yield 
to the people as formerly. In particular they 
were defired to refcind that refoluiion by which 
tliey had written the circular letter above men- 
tioned j and, in cafe of a refufld, it was told 
them, that they would be dilToIved. As this 
letter had been framed by the refokuions of a 
former houfe, they defired, after a week's con- 
fultation, that a recefs might be granted to con- 
fult with their conflituents ; but this being re- 
fufed, they came to a determination, 92 againft 
17, to adhere to the refolurion which produced 
the circular letter. At the fame time a letter 
was fent to Lord Hillsborough, and a mefTjge 
to the governor, in judification of their proceed- 
ings. In both they cxprcfTjd themfelves with 
fuch freedom as u'a-s by no means calculated to 
accord with the fentimcnts of thofe in power. 
They iiifilled that they had a right to communi- 
cate their fentiments to their fellow fubjedfs upon 
matters of fuch importance ; complained of the 
requifition' to ref/md the circular letter as un- 
coaOimtional and uajui\ ; and particularly in- 
fixed, that they were reprtfcnted as harbouring 
Seditious defigu.s, when they were doing nothing 
but what was lawful and right. At the fame 
time they condemned the bte atfts of parliament 

ac; 



OF AMERICA. 255 

i.s highly opprefTive and fubverfive of liberty. 
The whole was concluded wiih a lift of accufa- 
tions againft their governor, reprefenting him^ as 
unfit to continue in his fiction, and petitioning 
the king for his removal from it. 

Theie proceedings were followed by a violent 
tumult at Bofton. A veffel belonging to a capi- 
tal trader had been feized in confequence of his 
having neglected fome of the new regulations 5 
i'lnd being taken under the prote£lion ot a man of 
war iit that time lying in the harbour, the popu- 
lace attacked the hoiifes of the commilTioners of 
excife, broke their windows, deftroyed the col- 
le(5^or's boats and obliged the cuftom-houfe of- 
ficers to take refuge in "Caftle William, fituated 
at the entrance of the harbour. 

The governor now took the laft ftep in his 
power to put a ftop to the violent proceedings 
of his affembly, by dilTolving it entirely ; but 
this was of little moment. Their behaviour had 
been highly approved by the other colonies, who 
had written letrcrs to them expreHive of their ap- 
probation. After the dinblution of the afR-mbiy, 
frequent meetings of the people were held in 
Boilon, which ended in a remonftrance to the 
governor, to the fame purpofe as fome of the 
tormer-, but concluding with a requefl, that he 
would take upon him to order the king's (hips 
oat of the harbour. 

While the difpofition of the Boftonians was 
thus more and more irritated, news arrived that 
the agent for the colony had not been allowed to 
leliver their petition to the king; it having been 
>b:e<fte'.jj that the aflembly without the governor 

X 2 



254.' GENERAL HISTORY 

was not fufficient authority. This did not con- 
tribute to allay the ferment ♦, a.nd it was further 
augmented by the news that a number of troops 
had been ordered to repair to Bofton, to lieep 
the inhabitants in awe. 

A dreadful alarm now took place. The peo- 
ple called on the governor to convene a general 
alTembly, in order to remove their fears of the 
military ; who, they faid, were to be aflembJed 
to overthrow their liberiies, and force obedience 
to laws to which they were entirely avcrfc. The 
governor replied, it was no longer in his power 
to call an aflembly -, having, in his lafl inltruflions 
from England, been required to wait the king's 
orders, the matter being then under confidera- 
tion at home. ^ Being thus refufed, the people 
took upon themfclves the formation of an afTem- 
bly, which they called a conventiotu The pro- 
ceedings and refblutions of this body naturally 
partook of the temper and difpofition of the late 
aflembly ; but they went a Aep farther, and hav- 
ing voted " that there is apprehenfion in the 
minds of many of an approaching rupture with 
France," requefted the inhabitants to put them- 
ielves in a poflure of defence agalnft any fudden 
attack of an enemy *, and circular letters were 
directed to all the towns in the province, ac- 
quainting them with the refolutions that had 
been taken in the capital, and exhorting them 
to proceed in the fame manner. The town of 
Hatfield alone refufed its concurrence. The 
convention, however, thought proper to aflure 
the governor of their pacific intentions, and re- 
newed their requeft that an aflembly might be 
called j but being refufed any audience, and 

threatened 



OF AMERICA. 255 

threatened with being treated as rebels, they at 
laft thought proper to difiblve of themfclves, and 
lent over to Britain a circumftantial account of 
their proceedings, with the reafon of their hav- 
ing affembled in the manner already mentioned. 
The expe£led troops arrived on the very day 
on which the convention broke up, and had 
Ibme houfes in the town fitted up for their re- 
ception. Their arrival had a confiderabie influ- 
ence on the people, and for fome time feemed to 
put a ftop to their difturbances ; but the fpirit of 
the people was now fo much roufed, that it was 
impoflible to quench the flame. The 'ate outra- 
geous behaviour in Bofton had given the greatell 
offence in England -, and, notwithifanding all the 
efforts of oppofition, an addrefs from both houfes 
of parliament was prefented to the king; in 
which the behaviour of the colony of Madachu- 
ietts-Bay was fet forth in the moff ample man- 
ner, and the mofl vigorous meafures recom- 
mended for reducing them to obedience. The 
Americans, however, continued ftedfafl in the 
ideas they had adopted. Though the troops 
liad for fome lime quieted the diilurbances, yet 
the calm continued no longer than they appear- 
ed refpedfable on account of their number ; but 
as foon as this was diminiHiied by the departure 
of a large detachment, the remainder were treat- 
ed w'ith contempt, and it was even refolved to 
expel them altogether. The country people took 
up arms for this purpofe, and were to have af- 
fiiled their friends in Bof^on ; but before this 
defign could be put in execution, an event hap- 
pened v/hich put an end to every idea of recon- 
ciliation betwixt the contending parties. 

On 



256 GENERAL HISTORY 

On the 5th of 06lober 1770, a fcuffle happen- 
ed between the foldiers and a party of the town's 
people. The inhabitants poured in from all 
quarters to the alliftance of their fellow-citizens : 
a violent tumult enfued, during which the mili- 
tary fired upon the mob, killing and wounding 
fcveral of them. The whole province now arofe 
in arms, and the foldiers were obliged to retire 
•to Caftle William to prevent their being cut in 
pieces. Let it be remembered, however, to the 
praife of American virtue, that, on the trial, not- 
withftanding popular prejudice and apprehen- 
sion, the captain and fix of the men were ac- 
quitted, two men only being found guilty of 
manflaughter. In other refpefls the determina- 
tions of the Americans continued, if poflible, 
more firm than ever, until at lafl government, de- 
termining to a<5f with vigour, and at the fame 
time to behave with as much condefccnfjon as 
pofTible, without abandoning their principles, 
repealed all the duties lately laid on, that of tea 
alone excepted. This was left on purpofc to 
maintain the dignity of the crown of Britain ; 
and ft was thought that it could not be produc- 
tive of any difconterit in America, as being an 
affair of very little moment-, the produce of which 
was not expecled to exceed L. 16,000. The 
oppofition, however, were ftrenuous in their en- 
deavours to get this tax likewife abrogated ; in- 
i1 fling that the Americans would confider it only 
as an inlet to others ; and that the repeal of all 
the reft, without this would anfwer no good pur- 
pofe. The event fliowed that their opinion was 
well founded. The Americans oppofed the tea- 
tax with the fame violence as they had done all 

the 



OF AMERICA. 257 

the reft : and at laft, on the news that falaries 
had been fettled on the juftices of the fnpcrior 
court at Bo0on, the governor \vas addreffed on 
the fubje^t; the meafure was condemned in the 
flrongell terms ; and a committee fele6led out of 
the fevcral diftri^ls of the colony appointed to 
inquire into it. 

The new affembly proceeded in the mofl for- 
mal manner to difavow the fupremacy of the 
Britifli legiflature \ and accufed the parliament of 
Britain of having violated the natural rights of 
Americans in a number of inftances. Copies of 
the tranfa<5lions of this aflTemhjy were tranfmitted 
to every town in MafFachufctus, exhorting the 
inhabitants to roufe themfelve*, and exert every 
nerve in oppofition to the iron-hand of oppref^ 
fion, which was daily tearing the choiceft fruits 
from the fair tree of liberty. The di{lurbances 
were alfo greatly heightened by an accidental 
diicovery that Mr. Hatchinfon, governor of 
MaikKhufetts-Bay, had written feveral confiden- 
tial letters to people In power in England, com- 
plaining of the behaviour of the province, recom- 
mending vigorous meafures againft them, and, 
raiiong other things, afferting, that " there muif 
be an abridgment of what is called Britifh 
liberty." Letters of this kind had fallen into the 
hands of the agent for the colony at London. 
They were immediately tranfmitted to Boflon, 
where the afiembly was fitting, by whom they 
were laid before the governor, who was thus re- 
duced to a very mortifying fitnation. Lo/ing 
every idea of refpe^l or friendfliip for him as 
their governor, they inftantly defpatched a peti- 
tion to the king, rec^uefting him to remove the 

governor 



258 GENERAL HISTORY 

governor and deputy-governor from their places, 
but to this they not only received no favourable 
anfwer, but the petition iifelf was declared 
groundlefs and fcandalous. 

Matters were now ripe for the utmoft extre- 
mities on the part of the Americans \ and they 
were brought on in the following manner. 
Though the colonies had entered into a non-im- 
portation agreement rgainii: tea as well as all 
other commodities from Britain, it had neverthe- 
lefs found its way into America, though in fmall- 
er quantity than before. This was fenfibly felt 
by the Eall-India Company, who had now agreed 
to pay a large fum annually to government in 
recompence for which compliance, and to make 
up their lofTes in other refpe<fls, they were em- 
powered to export their tea free from any 
duty payable in Britain •, and in confcquence of 
this perm/iilion, feveral (liips freighted with the 
commodity were fent to North-America, and 
proper agents appointed for difpofing of it. The 
Americans now perceiving that the tax was thus 
likely to be enforced whether they would or not, 
determined to take every pofTible method to pre- 
vent the lea from being landed, as well knowing 
that it would be impolTible to hinder the fale, 
fliould the commodity once be brought on fhore. 
For this purpofe the people afTenibled in great 
numbers, forcing thofe to whom the tea was con- 
figned to refign their offices, and to promife {o- 
lemnly never to refume them •, and committees 
were appointed to examine the accounts of mer- 
chants, and make public tefts, declaring fuch as 
would not take them, enemies to their country. 
Nor was this behaviour confined to the colony 

uf 



OF AMERICA. 259 

of MafTachiifetts-Bay ; the reft of the provinces 
entered into the contefk with the fame warmth, 
and manifefted the fame refolation to oppofe this 
invafion of their righis. 

In the midft of this confufion, three fhips laden 
with tea arrived in Bofton ; but fo much were 
the captains alarmed at the difpofition which 
Teemed to prevail among the people, that they 
offered, providing they could obtain the proper 
difcharges from the tea coniignees, cuftom-houfe, 
and governor, to return to Britain without land- 
ing their cargoes. The parties concerned, how- 
ever, though they durft not order the tea to be 
landed, refufed to grant the difcharges required. 
The rhips, therefore, would have been obliged 
to remain in the harbour ; but the people appre- 
henfive that if they remained there the tea would 
be landed in fmall quantities and difpofed of in 
fpite of every endeavour to prevent ir, refolved 
to deftroy it at once. This refolution was exe- 
cuted with equal fpeed and fecrecy. Th2 very 
evening after the abovementioned difcharges had 
been refufed, a number of people drefted like 
Mohawk Indians boarded -the (liips, and threw 
into the fea their whole cargoes, confiding of 
342 cherts of tea ; after which they retired with- 
out making any further difturbance, or doing any 
other damage. No tea was deftroyed in other 
places, though the fame fpirit was every where 
manifefted. At Philadelphia the pilots were en- 
joined not to condu(ft: the vefTels up the river j 
and at New-York, though the governor caufed 
fome tea to be landed under the prote6lion of a 
man of war, he was obliged to deliver it up to 

the 



260 GENERAL HISTORY 

the cuflocly of the people to prevent its being 
ibid. 

The deftru£lion of the tea at Bofton, which 
happened in November 1775, was the immediate 
prelude to the difafters attending civil difcord. 
Government finding themfelvcs every where in- 
fuhed and defpifed, refblved to enforce their au- 
thority by all pofTiblc means ; and, as Bofton: 
had been the principal Icene of the riots and 
outrages, it was determined to punifh that city 
in an exemplary manner. Parliament was ac- 
quainted by a mefTage from his majefty with the 
undutiful behaviour of the city of Boflon, as 
well as of all the colonies, recommending at the 
fame time the moft vigorous and fpirited exer- 
tions to reduce them to obedience. The parlia- 
ment in its addrefs promifed a ready compliance ; 
and, indeed, the Americans feemed now to have 
loll; many of their partifans. It was propofed 
to lay a fine on the town of Bofton equal to the 
price of the tea which had been deftroyed, and 
to (hut up its port by armed vefiTcls until the 
refrac^tory fpirit oi the inhabitants (hould be 
iubdued 5 which, it was thought, mufl: quickly 
yield, as a total flop would thus be put to their 
trade. The bill was Arongly oppofed on the 
fame grounds that the other had been-, audit 
was prcdifted, that, inlkad of having any ten- 
dency to reconcile or fubdue the Americans, it 
would infallibly exal'perate them beyond any 
pofiibility of a reconciliation. The petitions 
againft it, prefenled by the colony's agent, point- 
ed out the lame confequence in the ftrongeft 
terms* and in the moft pofidve manner declared 
that the Americans never would fabmit to it ; 

but 



OF AMERICA. 261 

but fuch was the infatuation attending every 
rank and degree of men, that it never was ima- 
gined the Americans would dare to refift the 
parent ftate openly, but would in the end fubmit 
implicitly to her command?. In this confidence, 
a third bill was propofed for the impartial adml- 
niftration of juftice on fuch perfons as might be 
employed in the fuppreffion of riots and tumults 
in the province of MafTachufetts-Bay. By this 
a<5l it was provided, that (hould any perfons adl- 
ing in that capacity be indi6fed for murder, and 
not able to obtain a fair trial in the province, 
they might be fent by the governor to England, 
or to fome other colony, if neceflary, to be tried 
for the fuppofed crime. 

Thefe three bills having p&fTed fo eafily, the 
miniflry propofed a fourth, reladve to the go- 
vernment of Canada ; which, it was faid, had not 
yet been fettled on any proper plan. By this 
bill the extent of that province was greatly en- 
larged i its affairs were put under the diredlioa 
of a council in which Roman Catholics were to 
be admitted ; the Roman Catholic clergy were 
fecured in their poffeffions and the ufual perqui- 
fites from thofe of their own profeflion, The 
council above mentioned were to be appointed 
by the crown ; to be removeable at its pleafure ; 
and to be inverted with every Icgiflative power, 
excepting that of taxation. 

No fooner were thefe laws made known in 
America, than they cemented the union of the 
colonies almofl beyond any poflibility of oi/folv- 
ing it. The affembly of Maffachufetts-Bay had 
palfed a vote againft the judges accepting fala- 

ries 
Z 



262 GENERAL HISTORY 

lies from the crown, and put the queftuon, Whe- 
ther thev wou'd accept them as ufual from the 
general dflembly ? Four anfwered in the affir- 
mative; but Peter 0:iver, 'he chief- juftice, re- 
fufed. A petition againfl him, and an accufa- 
tion, were brought before the governor-, but 
the latter refufed the accufation, and declined to 
interfere in the matter ; but as they Oill infilled 
for juftice againft Mr. Oliver, the governor 
thought proper to put an end to the matter by 
diffolving the affembly. 

In this fituation of affairs, a new alarm was 
occafioned by the news of the port-bill. This 
had been totally unexpe<fl:cd, and was received 
with the moft extravagant exprefTions of dif- 
pleafure among the populace, and while thefe 
continued, the new governor. General Gage, 
arrived from England. He had been chofen to 
this office, on account of his being well acquaint- 
ed with America, and generally agreeable to the 
people ; but human wifdom could not now point 
out a method by which the flame could be allay- 
ed. The firrt aft of his office as governor, was 
to remove the affembly to Salem, a town 17 
miles diflant, in conlequence of the late aft. 
When this was intimated to the affembly, they 
replied by requeuing him to^ppoint a day for 
public humiliation for deprecating the wrath of 
heaven, but met with a refufal. When met at 
Salem, they paffed a refolution, declaring the 
neceffity of a general congrefs, compofed of de- 
legates from all the provinces, in order to take 
the affairs of the colonies at large into confidera- 
tion ; and five gentlemen remarkable for their op- 
pofitioa to the Britifh meafures, were chofen to 

reprefent 



OF AMERICA. '26i^ 

reprcfent that of Madlichnfetts-Bay. They then 
proceeded with all expedition to draw np a de- 
claration, containing a detail of the grievances 
they laboured under, and the necefTity of exert- 
ing theinfelves againft hiwlefs power ; they ict 
forth the difregard fliewn to their petitions, and 
the attempts of Great Britain to deflrcjy their an- 
cient conftitntion ; and concluded with exhort- 
ing the inhabitants of the colony, toobilrucf, by 
every method in their power, fuch evil defigns, 
recommending at the fume time a total renuncia- 
tion of every thing imported from Great Britain, 
till a redrefs of grievances could be procured. 

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to 
the governor on the very day that it was com- 
pl.ia.i; on which he difTolved the adembly. 
This was followed by an addrefs from the inha- 
bitants of Salem in favour of thofe of Boilon, 
and concluding with thefe remarkable words : 
<« By fliutting up the port of Boffon, fome ima- 
gine'that the courfe of trade might be turned 
hither, and to our benefit •, but nature, in the 
formanon of our harbour, forbids our becoming 
rivals in commerce with that convenient mart, 
and were it otherwife, we muft be dead to every 
idea of judice, loft to all feelings of humanity, 
could we indulge one thought to feize on wealth, 
and raife our fortunes on the ruin of our fuffer- 
ing neighbours." 

it had been fondly hoped by the minifterial 
party at home, that the advantages which other 
towns of the colony might derive from the anni- 
hilation of the trade at Bofton, would make them 
readily acquiefce in the meafure of fliutting up 
that port, and rather rejoice in it thrji otherwife ; 

but 



264 GENERAL HISTORY 

but the words of the addrefs above-mentioned, 
feemed to preclude all hope of this kind ; and 
fubfequent tranfiiftions foon manifefled it to be 
totally vain. No fooner did inielligence arrive 
of the remaining bills pa (Ted in the felRon of 
1774, than the caufe of Bofton became thecaufe 
of all the colonies. The port-bill had already 
occafioned violent commotions throughout them 
all. It had been reprobated in provincial meet- 
ings, and refiftance even to the laft had been re- 
commended againft fuch oppreffion. In Virgi- 
nia, the firft of June, the day on which the port 
of Bofton was to be (hut up, was held as a day 
of humiliation, and a public intercelTion in fa- 
vour of America, was enjoined. The ftyle of 
the prayer enjoined at this time was, " that God 
■would give the people one heart and one mind, 
firmly to oppofe every invafion of the American 
rights." The Virginians, however, did not con- 
tent themfelves with a6ls of religion. They re- 
commended in the ftrongeft manner a general 
congrefs of all the colonies, as fully perluaded 
that an attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary 
manner, was in reality an attack upon them all, 
and muft ultimately end in the ruin of them all. 
The provinces of New York and Pennfylva- 
liia, however, was lefs fanguine than the reft, 
being fo clofely connedfed in the way of trade 
with Great Britain, that the giving it up entirely 
appeared a matter of the mod ll^rious magnitude, 
v.nd not to be thought of but afrer every other 
method had failed. The intelligence of the re- 
maining bills refpefling Bofton, however, fpread 
a frefli alarm throughout the continent, and 
fixed thofe who had feemed to be the mofl wa- 
vering. The propofal of giving up all commer- 
cial 



OF AMERICA. 265 

clal intercourfe was again propofed ; and con- 
tributions for the inhabitants of Bofton were 
raifed in every quarter ; and they every day re- 
ceived addreffes commending them for the heroic 
courage with which they fuftained their calamity. 

The Boftonians on their pait were not want- 
ing in their endeavours to promote the general 
caufe. An agreement was framed, which in 
imitation of former times, they c died a So- 
lemn League and Covenant. By this the fubfcrib- 
ers moft religiouQy bound themfelves to break ofT 
all communications with Britain arter the expira- 
tion of the month of Auguft enfuing, until the 
obnoxious afls were repealed ; at the fame time 
they engaged neither to purchafe nor ufe any 
goods imported after that time, and to renounce 
all conneflion with thofe who did, or who re- 
fufed to fubfcribe to this covenant ; threatening 
to publish the names of the refraflory ; which 
at this time was a punifliment by no means to be 
defpifed. Agreements of- a fimilar kind were 
almoft inftantaneouily entered into throughout 
all Anicrica. General Gage indeed attempted 
to counterafl the covenant by a proclamation, 
wherein it was declared an illegal and traiterous 
combination, threatening with the pains of law 
fuch as fubfcribed or countenanced it. But mat- 
ters were too far gone for his proclamations to 
have any effe<5l. The Americans retorted the 
charge of illegality on his own pruclamation, 
and inliQed that the law allowed fubje6\s to meet 
in order to confider of their grievances, and af- 
fociate for relief from oppreHTion. 

Preparations were now made for holding the 

general congrefs fo often propofed. Philadel- 

' 2i 2 phia, 



266 GENERAL HISTORY 

phia, as being the moil central and confiderable 
town, was pitched upon for the place of its 
meeting. The delegates, of whom it was to be 
compofed, were chofen by the reprefentatives of 
each province, and were in number from two 
to feven for each colony, though no province 
had more than one vote. This iirft Congrefs, 
which met at Philadelphia, in the beginning of 
September 1774, confiftedof 51 delegates, The 
novelty and importance of the meeting excited 
an univerfai attention *, and their tranfaiflions 
were fuch as could not but tend to render them 
refpeflable. 

The fiifl a6> of congrefs was an approbation 
of the condudl of Maflachufetts-Bay, and an ex- 
hortation to continue in the famefpirit with which 
they had begun. Supplies for the fufFering in- 
habitants (whom the operation of the port-bill 
had reduced to great dilbefs) were ftrongly re- 
commended 5 and it was declared, that in cafe 
of attempts to enforce the obnoxious atfls by 
arms, all America fhould join to afTifl the town 
of Bofton ; and, fhould the inhabitants be oblig- 
ed, during the courfe of hoftilities, to remove 
further up the country, the loffes they might 
fuftain fliould be repaired at the public expenfe. 

They next addreffed General Gage by letter ; 
in which, having ftated the grievances of the 
people of MafTachufetrs colony, they informed 
him of the fixed and unalterable determination 
of all the other provinces to fupport their bre- 
thren and to oppofe the Britifli adls of parlia- 
ment •, that they themfelves were appointed t(t 
watch over the hberties of America ; and in- 
treated him to defift from military operations, 

left 



OF AMERICA. 267 

hOi fuch hoftilities might be brought on as would 
fruflrate all hopes of reconciliation with the pa- 
rent ftate. 

The next flep was to publifli a declaration of 
their rights. Thefe they fammed up in the 
rights belonging to Engli/hmen ; and particularly 
infifled, that as their diflancc rendered it im- 
poflible for them to be reprefented in the BritiQi 
parliament, their provincial aflemblies, with the 
governor appointed by the king, conflicuted the 
only legiflative power within each province. 
They would, hoivever, coufent to fuch acts of 
parliament as were evidently calculated merely 
for the regulation of commerce, and fecuring to 
the parent flate the benefits of the Am.erican 
trade ; but would never allow that they could 
impofe any tax on the colonies, for the purpole 
of railing a revenue, without their confent. They 
proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of 
the new a(5>s of parliament; and infifted on all 
the rights they had enumerated as being unali- 
enable, and what none could deprive them of. 
The Canada a61: they particularly pointed out as 
being extremely inimical to the colonies, by 
whofe aflilfance it had been conquered ; and they 
termed it, " An a6f for eftablilhing the Roman 
Catholic religion in Canada, aboiifhing the equi- 
table fyftem of Englilh laws, and eftabliHiing a 
tyranny there." They further declared in fa- 
vour of a non-importation and non-confumption 
of Britilli goods, until the ads were repealed by 
which duties were impofcd upon tea, coffee, 
wine, fugar, and molaffes, imported into Ame- 
rica, as well as the Bofton-poit adl, and the 
three others paffcd in tl^e preceding feffion of 

parliament. 



268 GENERAL HISTORY 

parliament. The new regulations againft the 
importation and confumption of Britifh commo- 
dities were then drawn up with great folemnity ; 
and they concluded with returning the warmed 
thanks to thofe members of parliament who had, 
with fo much zeal, though without any fuccefs, 
oppofed the obnoxious a(5ts of parliament. 

Their next proceedings were, to frame a peti- 
tion to the king, an addrefs to the Britifh nation, 
and another to the colonies *, all of which were 
fo much in the ufual fpirited drain of American 
language for fome time pad, that it is needlefs 
to enter into any particular account of them. It 
is fufficient to fay, that they were all drawn up 
in a mafterly manner, and ought to have im- 
prefiTed the people of England with a more fa- 
vourable idea of the Americans than they could 
at that time be induced to entertain. 

All this time the difpofition of the people had 
correfponded with the warmed wifhes of con- 
grefs. The fird of June had been kept as a fad, 
not only throughout Virginia, where it was fird 
propoied, but through the whole continent. 
Contributions for the didrefles of Bodon had 
been ralfed throughout America, and people of 
all ranks feemed to be particularly touched with 
them. Even thofe who feemed to be mod likely 
to derive advantage from them, took no oppor- 
tunity, as has been already indanced in the cafe 
of Salem. The inhabitants of Marblehead alfo 
fliewed a noble example of magnanimity in the 
prefent cafe. Though dtuated in the neighbour- 
hood of Bodon, and mod likely to derive benefit 
from the didredes of their neighbours, they did 
not attempt lo take any advantage, but genemufly 

offered 



OF AMERICA. 269 

offered theufe of their harbour to the Boftonianf, 
as well as their wharves and warehoufes, free of 
al! expenfc. In the mean time the Britifli forces at 
Borton were continually increafing in number, 
which greatly augmented the general jealouly and 
difTuisfaflion ; the country was ready to rife at a 
momL^nt's warnings and the experiment was 
made by giving a falfe alarm that the communi- 
caiion between the town and country was to be 
cut off, in order to reduce the former by famine 
to a compliance with the a<Sl:s of parliament. On 
this intelligence, the country people afTembled 
in great numbers, and could not be fatisfied un- 
til they had fent meflengers into the city to in- 
quire into the truth of the report. Thefe melTen- 
gers were enjoined to infoim the town's people, 
that if they fhould be fo pufillanimous as to make 
a furrender of their liberties, the province would 
not think itfclf bound by fuch examples ; and 
that Britain, by breaking their original charter, 
had annulled the contract fubfifting between 
them, and left them to aft as they thought pro- 
per. 

I'he people in every other refpe£t manifcfted 
their inflexible determination to adhere to the 
plan they had fo long followed. The new coun- 
feilors and judges were obliged to refign their 
offices, in order to preferve their lives and pro- 
perty from the fury of the multitude. In fome 
places they fhut up the avenues to the court- 
houfes ; and, when required to make way for 
the judges, replied, that they knew of none but 
fuch as were appointed by the ancient ufage and 
cuifom of the province. Every where they mani- 
fefled the moft ardent defire of learning the art 

of 



270 GENERAL HISTORY 

of war ; and every individual who could bear 
arms was mofl: affidnous in procuriog them, and 
learning their exercife. 

Matters at lafl proceeded to fuch an height, 
that G Mieral Gage thought proper to fortify the 
neck of land which joins the town of Bofton to 
the continent. This, though undoubtedly a pru- 
dent meafiire in his fituation, was exclaimed 
againfl by the Americans in the moft vehement 
manner; but the General, inftead of giving ear to 
their remonftrances, deprived them of all power 
of a(fl:ing againO: himfejf, by feizing the provin- 
cial powder, ammunition, and military ftores at 
Cambridge and CharleUown. This excited fuch 
indignation, that it was with the utmoft difficuly 
the people could be retrained from marching to 
Bolton and attacking the troops. Even in the 
tovv'n itielf, the company of cadets that ufed to 
attend him dilbanded themfelves, and returned 
the rtandard he had as ufual prefented them with 
on his acceflion to the government. This was 
occafioned by his having deprived the celebrated 
patriot John Hancock, afterwards prefident of 
the congrefs, of his commiffion as colonel of the 
cadets. A fimiJar inflance happened of a pro- 
vincial colonel having accepted of a feat in the 
new council ; upon which 24 officers of his re- 
giment re/jgned their commiflions in one day. 

In the mean time a meeting was held of the 
principal inhabitants of the towns adjacent to 
]3oIlon. The purport of this was publicly to re- 
nounce all obedience to the late a(51s of parlia- 
ment, and to form an engagement to indemnify 
fuch as (hould be profecuted on that account ; 
the members of the new council were declared 

Yiol2tor9 



OF AMERICA. 271 

violators of the rights of their country ; all ranks 
and degrees were exhorted to learn the ufe of 
arms ; and the receivers of the public revenue 
were ordered not to deliver it into the treafury, 
but to retain it in their own hands till the conili- 
tution fhould be redored, or a provincial congrefs 
difJ3ore of it otherwife. 

A remonllrance againfl the fortifications on 
BoftonNeck was next prepared ; in which, how- 
ever, they ftill declared their unwillingnefs to 
proceed to any hoftile meafurcs ; afTerting only 
as ufual their firm determination not to fubmit to 
the a(5ls of parliament they had already To much 
complained of. The governor, to lellore tran- 
quillity, if poflible, called a general affembly ; 
but fo many of the council had refigned their 
ieats, that he was induced to countermand its fit- 
ting by proclamation. This meafure, however, 
was deemed illegal ; the affembiy met at Salem ; 
and, after waiting a day for the governor, voted 
themfelves into a provincial congrefs, of which 
Mr. Hancock was cbofen prefident.^ A com- 
mittee was imniedi?-tely appointed, wno waited 
on the governor with a remonftrance concerning 
the fortifications on Bofton Neck ; but nothing 
of confequence took place, both parties mutually 
criminating each other. The winter was now 
coming on, and the governor, to avoid quarter- 
ing the foldiers upon the inhabitants, propofed 
to ere(5t barracks for them ; but the fele6f-mea 
of Bollon, compelled the workmen to dcfift. 
Carpenters were fent for to New-York, but they 
were refufed ; and it was with the utmoft diffi- 
culty that he could procure winter-lodgings for 
;his troops. Nor w^as the difficulty lefs in pro- 
curing 



2Y2 GENERAL HISTORY 

curing clothes ; as the merchants of New- York 
told him, that they would never fupply any ar- 
ticle for the benefit of men fent as enemies to 
their country." 

This difpofition, known to be almoft univer- 
fal throughout the condnent was in the higheft 
degree fatisfa(5^ory to congrefs. Every one faw 
that the enfuing fpring was to be the feafbn of 
commencing hollili/ies, and the moft indefadga- 
ble diligence was ufed by the colonies to be well 
provided againft fuch a formidable enemy. A 
lift of all the fenfible men in each colony was 
made out efpecially of thofe who had ferved in 
the former war ; of whom they had the fatisfac- 
tion to find that two-thirds were iVill alive and 
fit to bear arms* Magazines of arms were col- 
leifted, and money provided for the payment of 
the troops. The governors in vain attempted to 
ftop thele proceedings by proclamations ; the fa- 
tal period was now arrived: and the more the 
fervants of government attempted to reprefs the 
fpirit of the Americans, the more determined it 
appeared. 

In the mean time the inhabitants of Bofton 
were reduced to great diftrefs The Britilh troops, 
now diftinguiQied by the name of the enemy, 
were abfolutely in pofle/Tion of it -, the inhabitants 
were kept as prifoners, and might be made ac- 
countable for the condu<5V of all the colonies ; 
and various meafures were contrived to relieve 
the latter from fuch a difagreeable fituarion. Some- 
times it was thought expedient to remove the in- 
habitants altogether ; but this was impra<5licable 
without the governor's confent. It was then 
propofed to ftt fire to the town at once, after 

valuing 



OF AMERICA. 273 

valuing the houfes and indemnifying the propri- 
etors ; but this being found equally impractica- 
ble, it was refolved to wait fome other opportu- 
nity, as the garrifon were not very numerous, 
and, not being fupplied with necefliiries by the 
inhabitants, might foon be obliged to leave the 
place. The friends of the Britidi government 
indeed attempted to do fomething in oppofition 
to the general voice of the people ; but after a 
few inefFedlual meetings and refohuions they 
were utterly fiienced, and obliged to yield to the 
fnperior number of the patriots. 



CHAP. 11. 



Military Stores feized by the Americans — Skirmijh 
at Lexington — Battle at Bunkers Hill — Croivn 
Point and Ticonderago taken — Articles of Union 
bctiueen the Colonies — Declaration on taking uf 
arms — Speech of the CommiJJiofiers from Con- 
grefs to the Indiajis — Gen. Waflnngton appoint', 
cd Commander in Chief — Georgia acctdes to the 
Confederacy. 



M. 



ATTERS had now proceer^ed fo far 
that the profpedl of reconciliation or friendfhip 
with Britain became daily more and more dis- 
tant. The Americans, therefore, began to feize 

on 
A a 



274- GENERAL HISTORY 

on the military (lores and ammunition belonging 
to government. This firft commenced at New- 
port in Rhode-Ifland, where the inhabitants car- 
ried off 40 pieces of cannon which had been ap- 
pointed for the protection of the place •, and on 
being afked the reafon of this proceeding, they 
replied, that the people had feized them left they 
lliould be made ufe of again ft themfelves. After 
this the aftembly met, and refolved that ammu- 
nition and warlike ftores fhould be purchafed 
with the public money. 

New Hampftiire followed the example of 
Rhode-Ifland, and feized a fmail fort for the 
fake of the powder and military ftores it contain- 
ed. In Pennfylvania, however, a convention 
was held, which exprefted an earneft defire of 
reconciliation witlx the mother-country *, though, 
at the fame time, in the ftrongeft manner declar- 
ing, that they were refolved to take op arms in 
defence of their juft rights, and defend to the 
laft their oppofidon to the late a6fs of parliament; 
and the people were exhorted to apply them- 
felves with the greateft affiduity to the profecu- 
tion of fuch manufacHiures as were neceffary for 
their defence and fubfiftence, fuch as fait, falt- 
petre, gunpowder, fteel, &c. This was the uni- . 
verfal voice of the colonies, New-York only ex- 
cepted. The aftembly of that province, as yet 
ignorant of the fate of their laft remonftrance, re- 
fufed to concur with the other colonies in their 
determination to throw off the Britifti yoke : 
their attachment, however, was very faint, and 
by the event it appeared that a perfeverance in 
the meafures which the miniftry had adopted was 
lufficient to unite them to the reft. 

As 



OF AMERICA. 275 

As the diflurbances had originated in the pro- 
vince of Ma/Tachufetts-Bay, and //?frf continued 
all along with the greateft violence, fo this was 
the province where the firft hoftilities were for- 
mally commenceJ. In the beginning of Febru- 
ary the provincial congrefs met at Cambridge ; 
and as from every appearance it became daily 
more evident, that arms mu(\ ultim:itely decide 
the conteO:, expertnefs in military dilcipline was 
recommended in the flrougefl manner, and feve- 
ral military inAitutions enacfled -, among which 
that of the minute-men was one of the molt re- 
markable. Thefe were chofen from the mod 
aclive and expert among the militia *, and their 
b'.-.finefs was to keep themfelves in confl:ant rea- 
dinefs at the call of their officers ; from which 
rerpetual vigilance they derived their title. — It 
was now eafily feen that a flight occafion would 
bring on hofblities, v^hich could not but be at- 
tended with the mofl violent and certain deflruc- 
tion to the vanquifhed party; for both were (o 
much exafperated by a long courfe of reproaches 
and literary warfare, that they feemed to be filled 
with the utmoft inveteracy againft each other. 

On the 26th of February General Gage hav- 
ing been informed that a number of field-pieces 
had been brought to Salem, defpatched a party 
to fcize them. Their road v.'as obflrucfted by a 
river, over which was a draw-bridge. This the 
people had pulled up, and refufed to let it down : 
upon which the foldiers feized a boat to ferry 
them over; but the people cut out her bottom. 
Hoftilities would immediately have commenced, 
had it not been for the interpofition of a clergy- 
man, who reprefcnted to the military, on the one 

hand, 



276 GENERAL HISTORY 

hand, the folly of oppofing fuch numbers ; and 
to the people, on the other, that as the day was 
far fpent the military could not execute their de- 
lign, fo that they might without any fear leave 
them the quiet pofTeiTion of the draw-bridge. 
This was complied with ; and the foldiers, after 
having remained for fomc time at the bridge, re- 
turned without executing their orders. 

The next attempt, however, w^as attended 
with more ferious confequences. General Gage 
having been informed that a large quantity of 
ammunition and military ftores had been collect- 
ed at Concord, about 20 miles from Bofton, and 
where the provincial congrefs was fitting, fent a 
detachment, under the command of Colonel 
Smith and Major Pitcairn, to deftroy the ftores, 
and, as was reported, to felze Meffrs. Hancock 
and Adams, the leading men of the congrefs. 
They fct out before day- break, on the 19th of 
Apri', marching with the utmoft filence, and 
fecuring every one they met on the road, that 
they might not be difcovered. But nctwithiland- 
ing all their care, the continual ringing of bells 
and firing of guns as they went along, foon gave 
ihem notice that the country was alarmed. 
About five in the morning they had reached Lex- 
ington about 15 miles fiom Bolton, where the 
militia of the place were exercifing. Major Pit- 
cairn called out to them, difperfe you rebels i throiv 
cloivn your arms and difperfe ; but, as they ffill 
continued in a body, he advanced, difchargei 
his piffol, and ordered his foldiers to fire ♦, who 
inffantly obeyed, and killed and wounded feve- 
ral of the militia: a difperfion of the militia was 
the confequencc. The detachment then proceed- 
ed 



OF AMERICA. 277 

ed to Concord, where, havingdeftroyed the (lores, 
they fired upon ihe Americans *, and a fcuffle en- 
fued, in which feveral fell on both fides. The 
purpofe of their expedition being thus accom- 
pliflied, it was necefTary for the king's troops to 
retreat, which they did through a continual fire 
kept up on them from Concord to Lexington. 
Here their ammunition was totally expended ; 
and they would have been unavoidably cut ofF, 
had not a confiderable reinforcement commanded 
by Lord Percy met them. The Americans, 
however, continued their attack with great fpirit; 
and the Brltifh would ftill have been in the ut- 
mofl: danger had it not been for two field-pieces 
which Lord Percy had brought with him. By 
thefe the impetuofity of the Americans was 
checked, and the British made good their retreat 
to Bofion, with the lofs of 273 killed, wound- 
ed, and made prifoners : that of the Americans 
was about 50 killed, 38 wounded and miffing. 

From the commencement of hoAilities, the 
difpute between Great Britain, and the colonies 
took a new dire<5lion. By this engagement the 
fpirits of the Americans were raifed ; a con- 
fiderable army was aficmbled, who formed a 
line of encampment from Roxbury to Mydic, 
through a fpace of about thirty miles ; and here 
ihey were foon after joined by a large body of 
Connefficut troops, under General Putman, an 
old officer of great bravery and experience. By 
this formidable force was the town of Boilon 
now kept blocked up. General Gage, however, 
had fo flrongly fortified it, that the army power- 
ful as they were, durft not make an attack ; 

while 
A a 2 



278 GENERAL HISTORY 

while on the other hand, his force was by far 
too infignificant to nieet fuch an army in the field. 
But towards the end of May, a confiderable re- 
inforcement having arrived, with Generals Howe, 
Burgoyne, and Clinton, he was foon enabled to 
attempt fomething of confequence. Some fkir- 
milhes in the mean time happened in the idands 
lying ofF Bofton harbour, in which the Ameri- 
cans had the advantage, and burnt an armed 
fchooner, which her people had been obliged to 
abandon after (he was left aground by the tide. 
Nothing decifive, however, took place, till the 
17th of June. In the neighbourhood of Charlei- 
towD, a place on the northern fhore of the pe- 
ninfulaon which Bofton ftands, is an high ground 
called Bunker^ s Hilly which overlooks and com- 
mands the whole town of Bofton. In the night 
of the 16th the provincials took pofTefTion of this 
place-, and worked with fuch indefatigable dili- 
gence, that to the aftonifhment of their enemies, 
they had before day-light, almoft completed a 
redoubt, with a ftrong entrenchment reaching 
half a mile eaftward, as far as the river Myftic. 
After this they were obliged to fuftain a heavy 
and inceffant lire from the (hips and floating bat- 
teries with which Charlcftown neck was fur- 
rounded, as well as the cannon that could reach 
the place from Bofton ; in fpite of which, how- 
ever, they continued their work, and finiflied it 
before mid-day. A cOnfiderable body of foot 
was then landed at the foot of Bunker's Hill, 
under the command of Generals Howe and Pi- 
got ; the former being appointed to attack the 
lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Ameri- 
cans, however, having the advantage of the 

ground, 



OF AMERICA. 279 

ground, as well as of their intrench ments, pour- 
ed down fuch incefTant volleys, as threatened the 
whole body with deftrufVion -, and General Howe 
was for a little time left almoft alone, all his offi- 
cers being killed or wounded. The provincials 
in the mean time had taken pofTeffion of Charlef- 
town, fo that General Pigot was obliged to con- 
tend with them in that place as well as in the 
redoubt. The confequence was, that he was 
overmatched ; his troops were thrown into dil- 
order ; and he would in all probability have been 
defeated had not General Clinton advanced to 
his relief; upon which the attack was renewed 
with fuch fury, that the provincials were driven 
beyond the neck that leads to Charleftown. In 
the heat of the engagement the Britidn troops, in 
order to deprive the Americans of a cover, fet 
fire to Charlefliown, which was totally confumed; 
and, eventually, the Americans were obliged to 
retreat over Charleftown neck, and were raked 
by an incefTant fire from the Glafgow man of 
war, and feveral floating batteries. The iofs on 
the Britifli fide amounted to about 1000, among 
whom were 19 officers killed and 70 wounded ; 
that of the Americans did not exceed 13D killed, 
and 314 wounded. 

The Britifli troop? claimed the vi(n:ory of this 
engagement ; but it muft be allowed that it was 
dearly bought ; and the Americans boafted that 
the real advantages were on their fide, as they 
had fo much weakened the enemy that they duril 
not afterwards venture out of their entrench- 
ments. Although this was the firft time the 
provincials had been in adfual fervice, they be- 
haved themfelves with the fpirit of veterans, and 

by 



280 GENERAL HISTORY 

by no means merited the appellation of coivardsy 
with which they were fo often branded in Bri- 
tain. ' 

In other places the fame determined fpirit of 
refinance appeared on the part of the Americans, 
Lord North's conciliatory fcheme was utterly re- 
je6:ed both by the affemblies of Pennfylvania and 
New-Jerfey, and afterwards in every other colo- 
ny. The commencement of hoftilities at Lex- 
ington determined the colony of New-York, 
which had hitherto continued to waver, to unite 
with the reft ; and as the fituarion of New-York 
renders it unable to refift an attack from the fea, 
it was relblved, before the arrival of a Britifh 
fleet, to fecure the military flores, fend off the 
women and children, and fet fire to the city if 
it was ftill found incapable of defence. The ex- 
portation of provifions was every where prohibi- 
ted, particularly to the Britifh fiGiery on the 
Banks of Newfoundland, or to fuch colonies of 
America as fhould adhere to the Britifh intereft. 
Congrefs refolved on the eftablilhment of an 
army, and of a large paper currency in order to 
fupport it. In the inland northern colonies, 
colonel Eaflon and Ethan Allen without receiving 
any orders from Congrefs, or communicating 
their defigns to any body, with a party of only 
250 men, furprifed the forts of Crown-Point, 
Ticonderago, and the reft that form a commu- 
nication betwixt the colonies and Canada. On 
this occafjon 200 pieces of cannon fell into their 
hands, befides mortars, and a large quantity of 
military ftores, together with two armed ve/Tels, 
and mateiials for the conftiudlion of others. 

After 



OF AMERICA. 28 i 

Aner the battle of Bunker*s-Hill, the provln- 
dais ere£led fortifications on the heights which 
commanded Charleftown, and flrengthened the 
reft in fuch a manner that there was no hope Ot 
driving them from thence ; at the fame time that 
their adlivity and boidaefs aftonifhed the Britifli 
officers, who had been accuftomed to entertain a 
mean and unjult opinion of their courage. 

The troops, thus fliut up in Boflon, were foon 
reduced to diftrefs. Their neceffities obliged 
them to attempt the carrying off the American 
cattle on the illands before Bofton, which pro- 
duced frequent {klrmifiies •, but the provincial?, 
better acquainted with the navigation of thefc 
iliores, landed on the idands, deftroyed or car- 
ried off whatever was of any ufe, burned the 
light-houfe at the entrance of the harbour, and 
took prifoners the workmen fent to repair ir, as 
well as a party of marines v/ho guarded them. 
Thus the garrifon were reduced to the neceility 
of fending out armed veiTels to make prizes in- 
difcriminateiy of all that came in their way, and 
of landing in different places to plunder for fub- 
iiftence as well as they could. 

The congrefs in the mean time continued to 
a6l with all the vigour which its conftiiuents had 
expe(fled. Articles of confederation and perpe- 
tual union'^wcre drawn up and folemnly agreed 
upon ; by which they bound themfelves and their 
poilcrity for ever. Thefe were in fubftance as 
follows : 

1. Each colony was to be independent with- 
in itfelf, and to retain an abfolute fovereignty la 
all domeftic affairs. 

2, Delegates 



282 GENERAL HISTORY 

2. Delegates to be annually elected to meet 
in congrefs, at fuch time and place as fhould be 
ena<5led in the preceding congrefs. 

3. This afTembly Ihouid have the power of 
determining war or peace, making alliances -, and 
in iliort all that power which fovercigns of Hates 
ufually claim as their own. 

4. The expenfws of war to be paid out of the 
common treafury, and raifed by a poll-tax on 
males between 16 and 60 •, the proportions to 
be determined by the laws of the colony. 

5. An executive council to be oppointed to afl 
in place of the congrefs during its recefs. 

6. No colony to make war with the Indians 
without confent of congrefs. 

7. The boundaries r.f all the Indian lands to 
be fecured and afcertained to them ; and no pur- 
chafcs of lands were to be made by individuals, 
or even by a colony, without confent of con- 
grefs. 

8. Agents appointed by congrefs iliould re- 
fide among the Indians, to prevent frauds in 
trading with them, and to relieve, at the public 
expenfj, their wants and diftreffes. 

9. This confederation to laft until there (hould 
be a reconciliation with Britain ; or, if that event 
Ihould not take place, it was to be perpetual. 

After the a(!:iion of Bunker's Hill, however, 
when the power of Great Britain appeared lefs 
formidable in the eyes of America than before, 
congrefs proceeded formally tojuftify their pro- 
ceedings in a declaration drawn up in terms more 
expreffive, and well calculated to excite atten- 
tion. 

*' Were 



OF AMERICA. 283 

" Were it poffible (Oiid they) for men who 
exercife their reafon, to believe that the divine 
Author of our exigence intended a part of the 
human race to hold an abfolute property in and 
unbounded power over others, marked oat by 
His infinite goodnefs and wifliom as the obje<n:s 
of a legal domination, never rightfully refillable, 
however (hvere and oppreflive *, the inhabitants 
of thefe colonies might at leaO: require from the 
parliament of Great-Britain fome evidence that 
this dreadful authority over them had been 
granted to that body : but a reverence for our 
Great Creator, principles of humanity, and the 
dictates of common fenfe, mufl convince all thofc 
who refieft upon the fubjeft, that government 
was inftituted to promote the welfare of mankind, 
and ought to be adminiftered for the attainment 
of that end. 

" The legiflature of Great-Britain, however, 
Simulated by an inordinate pafTion for power, 
not only unjuflifiable, but which they know to 
be peculiarly reprobated by the very conflitution 
of that kingdom ; and defpairing of fuccefs in 
any mode of conteft where regard fhould be had 
to lawj truth, or right ; have at length, defert- 
ing thofe, attempted to effe^l their cruel and im- 
politic purpofe of enflaving thofe colonies by 
violence, and have thereby rendered it necefTary 
for us to clofe with their laft appeal from reaibn 
to arms. Yet, however blinded that afTembly 
may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited 
domination, fo to flight juflice in the opinion of 
mankind, we effeem ourfelves bound by obliga- 
tions to the reft the world to make known the 
'uftice of our caufe.*' 

After 



284. GENERAL HISTORY 

After taking notice of the manner in which 
their anceftors left Britain, the happinefs attend- 
ing the mutual friendly commerce betwixt that 
country and her colonies, and the remarkable 
fuccefs of the late war, they proceeded as fol- 
lows ; " The new miniftry, finding the brave 
foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet 
flill contending, took up the unfortunate idea of 
granting them a hafly peace, and of then fubdu- 
ing her faithful friends. 

** Thefe devoted colonies were judged to be 
in fuch a ftate as to prefent viflories without 
bloodfhed, and all the eafy emoluments of ftatut- 
able plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their 
peaceable and refpe(5lful behaviour from the be- 
ginning of their colonization 5 their dutiful, zea- 
lous, and ufeful fervices during the war, though 
fo recently and amply acknowledged in the moft 
honourable manner by his majelfy, by the late 
king, and by parliament, could not fave them 
from the intended innovations. Parliament was 
influenced to adopt the pernicious projeff •, and 
aflfuming a new power over them, has in the 
courfe ,of eleven years given fuch decifive fpeci- 
mens of the fpirit and confequences attending 
this power, as to leave no doubt of the cffeifb 
of acquiefcence under it. 

" They have undertaken to give and grant our 
money without our confent, though we have 
ever exercifed an exclufive right to difpofe of 
our own property. Statutes have been pafled 
for extending the jurifdi<5^ion of the courts of 
admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient 
limi's ; for depriving us of the accuflomed and 
inedimable rights of trial by jury, in cafes af- 

feffing 



OF AMERICA. 285 

tedting both life and property ; for fufpcnding 
the legiflature of one of our colonies ; for inter- 
di(ffing all commerce to the capital of another, 
and for altering fundaaientally the form of go- 
vernment eflabli(hed by charter, and fecured by 
a<^s of its own legiflature ; and folemnly con- 
firmed by the crown ; for exempting the mur- 
derers of colonifl:s from legal trial ; and in effe<fl: 
from punifliment •, for erefting in a neighbouring 
province, acquired by the joint arms of Great- 
Britain and America, a defpotifm dangerous to 
our very cxiftence ; and for quartering foldiers 
upon the colonifts in time of a profound peace. 
It has alfo been refolved in parliament, that co- 
lonifts, charged with committing certain offences, 
fhall be tranfported to England to be tried. 

«' But why (hould we enumerate our injuries 
m detail ? — By one ftatute it was declared, that 
parliament can of right make laws to bind us in 
all cafes whatever. What is to defend us againfl: 
ib enormous, fo unlimited a power ? Not a fingle 
perfon who aflumes it is chofen by us, or is fub- 
jedl to our control or influence ; but, on the 
contrary, they are all of them exempt from the 
operation of fuch laws ; and an American reve- 
nue, if not diverted from the oflenfible purpofes 
for which it is raifed, would aflually lighten 
their own burdens in proportion as it increafes 
ours. 

. " We faw the mifery to which fuch defpotifm 
would reduce us. We for ten years ince/Tantly 
and inefFe(ftualIy befieged the throne as fuppli- 
cants ; we reafoned, we remonflrated with par- 
liament in the rooft mild and decent language ; 

but 
B b 



2S6 GENERAL HISTORY 

but adminiftration, fenfible that we (hould re- 
gard thefe meafures as freemen ought to do, fent 
over fleers and armies to enforce them. 

" We have purfued every temperate, every 
refpedlful meafure ; we have even proceeded to 
break off all commercial intercourfe with our 
fcllow-fubjecfts, as our laft peaceable admonition, 
that our attachment to no nation on earth would 
fupplant our attachment to liberty ; this we flat- 
tered ourfelves was the ultimate ftep of the con- 
troverfy; but fubfequent events have (hown how 
vain was this hope of finding moderation in our 
enemies ! 

*^ The Lords and Commons, in their addrefs 
in the month of February, faid, that a rebellion 
at that time actually exilled in the province of 
Maflachufett's-Bay ; and that thofe concerned in 
it had been countenanced and encouraged by un- 
lawful combinations and engagements entered 
into by his majefty's fubjedts in feveral of the 
colonies \ and therefore they befought his ma- 
jefly that he would take the moft efle6tual mea- 
fures to enforce due obedience to the laws and 
authority of the fupreme legiflature. Soon after 
the commercial intercourfe of whole colonich 
with foreign countries was cut off By an a<fl: ot 
parliament ; by another, feveral of them were 
entirely prohibited from the fifherles in the feas 
near their coafts, on which they always depend- 
ed for their fubfiftence; and large reinforcements 
of (hips and troops were immediately fent over 
to General Gage. 

<* Fruitlefs were all the intreaties, arguments, 
and eloquence of an illuftrious band of the nK^fl: 
diftinguilhed peers and commoners, who nobly 

and 



OF AMERICA. ii87 

and ftrenuoufly afTertcd the juflice of our caufe, 
to ftay, or even to mitigate, the heedlefs fury 
with which thefe accumulated outrages were 
hurried on. Equally fruitlefs was the interfe- 
rence of the city of London, of Briftol, and of 
many other relpe^lable towns in our favour.'* 

After having reproached. parliament, General 
Gage, and the Bridfh government in general, 
they proceeded thus : " We are reduced to the al- 
ternative of choofm^ an unqonditional fubmiffion 
to tyranny, or refiftanceby force. The latter is 
our choice. We have counted the coft of this^ 
conteft, and find nothing fo dreadful as volunta- 
ry flavery. Honour, juflice, and humanity, for- 
bid us tamely to furrender that freedom which 
we received from our gallant anceftors, and 
which our innocent pofterity have a right to re- 
ceive from us. Our caufe is jufl: ; our union is 
perfeft ; our internal refources are great •, and, 
if neceffary, foreign afTiftance is undoubtedly at- 
tainable. We fight not for glory or conquefl 5 
we exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpe£Vacle 
of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies. 
They boaft of their privileges and civilization, 
and yet proffer no milder conditions than fervi- 
tude or death. In our native land, in defence 
of the freedom that is our birthright, for the 
prote<51ion of our property acquired by the honed 
induffry of our forefathers and our own, againft 
violence actually oftered, we have taken up arms ; 
we (hall lay them down when hoflilities fliall 
ceafe on the part of our aggreffors, and all dan- 
ger of their being renev/ed fhali be removed — 
and npt before." 

There 



'2SS GENERAL HISTORY 

Thefe are fome of the moft firiking pafTages ifl 
the declaration of congrefs on taking up arms 
againft Great-Britain, and dated July 6th, 1775. 
The determined fpirit which it fhows ought to 
have convinced the people of Britain, that the 
conqueft of America was an event fcarce ever 
to be expe<fled. In every other refpejft an equal 
fpirit was (liown •, and the rulers of the Bririfh 
nation had the mortification to fee thofe whom 
they (lyled rebels and traitors, fucceed in negoci- 
ations in which they therofelves were utterly 
foiled. In the paffing of the Quebec-bill, mi- 
niftry had flattered themfelvrs that the Canadians 
would be fo much attached to them on account 
of reftoring the French laws, that they would 
very readily join in any attempt againft the co- 
lonics who had reprobated that bill in fuch 
Itrong terms ; but in this, as in every thing elfe 
indeed, they found themfelves miflaken. The 
Canadians having been fubjeft to Britain for a 
period of 15 years, and being thus rendered fen- 
fible of the advantage of Britifli government, re- 
ceived the bill itfelf with evident marks of dif- 
^tpprobation , nay, reprobated it as tyrannical 
and oppreffive. A fcheme had been formed for 
General Carleton, governor of the province, to 
raife an army of Canadians wherewith to a*5t 
againft the Americans •, and fo fanguine w-ere the 
hopes of ad min'ift ration in this rtfpeiR:, that they 
had fent 20,000 ftand of arms, and a great quan- 
tity of military ftores, to Q£ebec for the pur- 
pofe. But the people, though they did no,t join 
the Americans, yet were found immoveable in 
their purpofe to Hand neuter. Application was 
made to the bi(hop; but he declined tointerpofe 

his 



OF AMERICA. 289 

his influence, as contrary to the rules of the Po- 
pifh clergy; fo that the utmoft efforts of govern- 
ment in this province were found to anfwer lit- 
tle or no purpofe. 

The BritiQi admininration next tried to engage 
the Indians in their caufe. But though agents 
were difperfed among them with large prefents 
to the chiefs, they univerfally replied, that they 
did not underftand the nature of the quarrel, 
nor could they diflinguifh whether thofe who 
dwelt in America or on the other fideof the ocean 
were in fault : but they were furprifed to fee 
Engliihmen alk their affiftance againfl: one ano- 
ther ; and advifed them to be reconciled, and 
not to think of fhedding the blood of their bre- 
thren. — To the reprefentations of congrefs they 
paid more refpefi. Thefe fet forth, that the 
Englifti on the other fide of the ocean, had taken 
up arms to enflave, not only their countrymen 
in America, but the Indians alfo; and if the lat- 
ter fhould enable them to overcome the colonics, 
they themfelres would foon be reduced to a flate 
of fiavery alfo. By arguments of this kind thele 
ravages were engaged to remain neuter •, and 
thus the colonifts were freed from a mofl dange- 
rous enemy. On this occafion the congrefs 
thought proper to hold a folemn conference with 
the different tribes of Indians. The fpeech made 
by them on the occafion is curious, but too long 
to be fully inferted. The following is a fpeci- 
men of the European mode of addreffing thefe 
people. 

** Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors ! 

** We the delegates from the Twelve United 

Provinces, now fitting in general congrefs at 

B b 2 Philadelphia, 



290 GENERAL HISTORY 

Philadelphia, fend their talk to you our brothers. 

" Brothers and Friends, now attend ! 

" When our fathers croffed the great water, 
and came over to this land, the king of England 
gave them a talk, affuring them that they and 
their children fhould be his children ; and that 
if th^y would leave their native country, and 
make fettlements, and live here, and buy and 
fell, and trade with their brethren beyond the 
water, they (hould ftill keep hold of the fame 
covenant-chain, and enjoy peace *, and it was 
covenanted, that the fields, houfes, goods, and 
poffefTioDS, which our fathers fhould acquire, 
ihould remain to them as their own, and be their 
childrens for ever, and at their fole difpofal. 

*• Brothers and Friends open an ear ! 

'< We will now tell you of the quarrel be- 
twixt the counfellors of King George and the 
inhabitants and colonies of America, 

<' Many of his counfellors have perfuaded 
him to break the covenant-chain, and not to fend 
us any more good talks. They have prevailed 
upon him to enter into a covenant againft us, and 
have torn afunder, and caft behind their backs, 
the good old covenant which their anceftors and 
ours entered into, and took flrong hold of. They 
now tell us they will put their hands into our 
pocket without aflcing, as though it were their 
own •, and at their pleafure they will take from 
ns our charters, or written civil conftitution, 
which we love as our lives ; alfo our plantations, 
our houfes, and our goods, whenever they pleafe, 
without aflcing our leave. They tell us that our 
vefTels may go to that or this ifland in the fea, 
but to this or that particular ifland we ftiall not 

trade 



OF AMERICA, 291 

trade any more ; and in cafe of our noncompli- 
ance with thefe new orders, they fhut up our 
harbours. 

" Brothers, we live on the fame ground with 
you ; the fame ifland is our common birth-place. 
We defire to fit down under the fame tree of 
peace with you : let us water its roots, and che- 
rifh the growth, till the large leaves and flourifli- 
ing branches (hall extend to the fetting fun, and 
reach the flcies. If any thing difagreeable (hould 
ever fall out betv/cen us, the Twelve United Co- 
lonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our 
peace, let us immediately feek meafures for heal- 
ing the breach. From the prefent fituation of 
our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a 
fmall fire at Albany, where we may hear each 
other's voice, and difclofe our minds fully to one 
another." 

The other remarkable tranfacf^ions of this con- 
grefs were the ultimate refufal of the conciliatory 
propofal made by Lord North, of which fuch 
fanguine expe<n:ations had been formed by the 
Englifh miniftry ; and appointing a generaliffimo 
to command their armies, which were now very 
numerous. The perfon chofen for this purpofe 
was George Washington : a man fo univer- 
fally beloved, that he was raifed to fuch a high, 
ftation by the unanimous voice of congrefs ; and 
his fubfequent condu(fl (bowed him every way 
worthy of it. Horatio Gates and Charles Lee, 
two Englifh officers of confiderable reputation, 
were chofen ; the former an adjutant-general, 
the fecond a major-general. Artemus Ward, 
Philip Schuyler, and Ilrael Putnam, were like- 
wife nominated major-generals, Seth Pomeroy, 

Richard 



292 GENERAL HISTORY 

Richard Montgomery, David Woofler, William 
Heath, Jofeph Spencer, John Thomas, John 
Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green, were chofen 
brigadier-generals at the fame time. 

Congrefs had now alfo the fatisfaflion to re- 
ceive deputies from the colony of Georgia, ex- 
preffing a defire to join the confederacy. The 
reafons they gave for renouncing their allegiance 
to Britain was, that the conduct of parliament 
towards the other colonies had been oppreffive; 
that though the obnoxious a(5ls had not been ex- 
tended to them, they could view this only as an 
omiflion, becaufe of the feeming little confe- 
quence of their colony ; and therefore looked 
upon it rather to be a flight than a favour. At 
the fame time they framed a petition to the king, 
iimilar to that fent by the other colonies, and 
which met with a fimilar reception. 



CHAP. III. 

i^he Canada Expedition — Difpiites of Lord Dun^ 
more with the Virginians — North and South 
Carolina expel their Governors — Bojion attacked^ 
and evacuated. 



HE fuccefs which had hitherto attend- 
ed the Americans in all their meafures, now em- 
boldened them to think not only of defending 
themfelves, but likewife of afling ofFenfively 

agaioft 



OF AMERICA. 2^3 

again ft Great-Britain. The conqueft of Canada 
appeared an objefl within their reach, and one 
that would be attended with many advantages ; 
and as an invafion of that province was already 
facilitated by the taking of Crown Point and 
Ticonderago, it was refolved if pofTible to pene- 
trate that way into Canada, and reduce Quebec 
during the winter, before the fleets and armies 
which they were well afTured would fail thither 
from Britain ftiould arrive. By order of con- 
grefs, therefore,, 3000 men were put under the 
command of Generals Montgomery and Schuy- 
ler, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, 
from whence they were to be conveyed in flat- 
bottomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorel, 
a branch of the great river St. Lawrence, and 
on which is fituated a fort of the fame name with 
the river. On the other hand, they were op- 
pofed by General Carleton, governor of Canada, 
a man of great adlivity and experience in war, 
who, with a very few troops, had hitherto been 
able to keep in awe the difaffeifled people of Ca- 
nada, notwiihftanding all the reprefentations of 
the colonifts. He had now augmented his army 
by a confiderable number of Indians, and pro- 
mifed, even in his prefent fituation, to make a 
very formidable refiftance. 

As foon as General Montgomery arrived, at 
Crown-Point he received information that feve- 
ral armed vefl^eis were ftationed at St. John's, a 
ftrong fort on the Sorel, with a viev/ to prevent 
his croffin'g the lake, on which he took poflef- 
fion of an ifland which commands the mouth of 
the Sorel, and by which he could prevent them 
from entering the lake. la conjunflion with 

General 



294 GENERAL HISTORY 

General Schuyler, he next proceeded to St. 
John*s but finding that place too ftrong, it was 
agreed in a council of war, to retire to the Ifle 
aux Noix, where General Schuyler being taken 
ill, Montgomery was left to command alone. 
His firft ftep was to gain over the Indians whom 
Gen. Carleton had employed, and this he in a 
great meafure accompliHied -, after which, on 
receiving the full number of troops appointed for 
this expedition, he determined to lay fiege to St. 
John's. In this he was facilitated by the reduc- 
tion of Chamblee, a fmall fort in the neighbour- 
hood, where he found a large fupply of powder. 
An attempt was made by General Carleton to 
relieve the place j for which purpofe he with 
great pains collecHied about 1000 Canadians, 
while colonel Maclean propofed to raife a regi- 
ment of the Highlanders who had emigrated 
from their own country to America. 

But while Gen. Carleton was on his march 
with thefe new levies, he was attacked by the 
provincials, and utterly defeated , which being 
made known to another body of Canadians who 
had joined Colonel Maclean, they abandoned 
him without flriking a blow, and he was obliged 
to retreat to Quebec. 

The defeat of General Carleton was a fuffi- 
cient reorapence to the Americans for that of 
Colonel Ethan Allen, which had happened fome 
time before. The fuccefs which had attended 
this gentleman againO: Crown Point and Ficon- 
derago had emboldened him to make a fimilar 
attempt on Montreal •, but being attacked by the 
militia of the place, fupported by a detvichment 



OF AMERICA. 295 

of regulars, he was entirely defeated and taken 
prifoner. 

As the defeat of Gen. Carleton and the defer- 
tion of Maclean's forces left no room for the gar» 
rifon of St. John's to hope for any relief, they 
confented to furrender ihemfelyes prifoners of 
war; but were in other refpefts treated with 
great humanity. They were in number 500 regu- 
lars and 200 Canadians, among whom were ma- 
ny of the French nobility, who had been adlive 
in promoting the caufe of Britain among their 
countrymen. 

Gen. Montgomery next took meafures to pre- 
vent the Briti(h Ihipping from pafling down the 
river from Montreal to Quebec. This he accom- 
plifhed fo effe<ftual!y that the whole were taken^ 
The town itfelf was obliged to furrender at di{^ 
cretion ; and it was with the utmoft difficulty 
that General Carleton efcaped in an open boat by 
the favour of a dark night. 

No further obftacle now remained in the way 
of the Americans to the capital, except what 
arofe from the nature of the country ; and thefe 
indeed were very confiderable. Nothing, how- 
ever, could damp the ardour of the provincials. 
Notwiihflanding it was now the middle of No- 
vember and the depth of winter was at hand, 
Colonel Arnold formed a defsgn of penetrating 
through woods, morafles, and the moft frighrful 
folitudes from New England to Canada by a 
nearer way than that which Montgomery had 
chofen ; and this he accompli Qied in fpite of eve- 
ry difficulty, to the aO:oni(hmtnt of all who faw 
or heard of the attempt. A third part of his 
men under another colonel had been obliged to 

leave 



296 GENERAL HISTORY 

leave him by the way, for want of provifions ^ 
the total want of artillery rendered his prefeace 
infignificant before a place fo ftrongly fortified ; 
and the fmallnefs of his army rendered it even 
doubtful whether he could have taken the town 
by furprife. The Canadians indeed were amaz- 
ed at the exploit, and their inclination to revolt 
from Britain was fomewhat augmented ; but 
none of them as yet took up arms in behalf of 
America. The confternation into which the town 
of Quebec was thrown proved detrimental ra- 
ther than otherwife to the expedition *, as it 
doubled the vigilance and activity of the inhabi- 
tants to prevent any furprife •, and the appearance 
of common danger united all parties, who, before 
the arrival of Arnold, were contending mod vio- 
lently with one another. He was therefore oblige 
ed to content himfelf with blocking up the ave- 
nues to the town, in order to diftrefs the garri- 
fon for want of provifions; and even this he was 
unable to do efFe<flually, by reafon of the fmall 
number of his men. 

The matter was not much mended by the ar- 
rival of General Montgomery. The force he 
had with him, even when united to that of Ar- 
nold, was too infignificant to attempt the reduc- 
tion of a place fo ftrongly fortified, efpecially 
with the afliftance only of a few mortars and 
field-pieces. After the fiege had continued 
through the month of December, General Mont- 
gomery, confcious that he could accompliQi his 
e^id no other way than by furprife, refolved to 
make an attempt on the lafl: day of the year 1775. 
The method he rook at this time was perhaps 
the bed that human wifdom could devife. He 

advanced 



OF AMERICA. 297 

advanced by break of day, in the midft of an 
heavy fall of fnow, which covered his men from 
the fight of the enemy. Two real attacks were 
made by himfelf and Col. Arnold, at the fame 
time that two feigned attacks were made on two 
other places, thus to diftraft the garrifon, and 
make them divide their forces. One of the real 
attacks was made by the people of New-York, 
and the other by thofe of New-England under 
Arnold. Their hopes of furprifing the place, 
however, were defeated by the (ignal for the at- 
tack being through fome miftake given too foon- 
General Montgomery himfelf had the moft dan- 
gerous place, being obliged to pafs between the 
river and fome high rocks on which the Upper 
Town ftands •, fo that he was forced to make 
what hafte he could to dofe with the enemy. 
His fate, however, was now decided. Having 
forced the firft barrier, a violent difcharge of 
mulketry and grape-ftiot from the fecond killed 
him, his principal officers, and the moft of the 
party he commanded -, on which thofe who re- 
mained immediately retreated. Colonel Arnold, 
in the mean time made a defperate attack on the 
Lower Town, and carried one of the barriers 
after an obftinate refiftance for an hour ; but ia 
the a^fion he himfelf received a wound, which 
obliged him to withdraw. The attack, however, 
was continued by the officers whom he had left, 
and another barrier forced ; but the gariifon, 
now perceiving that nothing was to be feared 
except from that quarter, colledled their whole 
force againft it •, and after a defperate engage- 
ment of three hours, overpowered the provin- 
cials, and obliged them to furreader. 

C c Iq 



298 GENERAL HlSTORt 

In this action, ir muft be confefTed that the 
valour of the provincial troops could not be ex- 
ceeded. They had -fought under as great dil^ 
advantages as thole which attended the britilh at 
Bunker's hill, and hifd behaved equally well. 
Such a terrible difliller left no hope remaining of 
the accomplifliment of their purpofe, as General 
Arnold coyld now fcarce number 800 effeftive 
men under his con)mand. He did not however, 
abandon the province, or even remove to a great- 
er dillance than three miles from Quebec *, and 
here he ftill found means to annoy the garrifon 
very confiderably by intercepting their provifions. 
The Canadians notwithflanding the bad fuccels 
of the American arms, ftill continued friendly j 
and thus he was enabled to fuflain the hardfhips 
of a winter encampment in that mod: fevere cli- 
mate. The congrefs, far from palling any cen- 
fure on him for his misfortune, created him a 
brigadier-general. 

While hollilities were thus carried on with 
vigour in the north, the flame of contention was 
gradually extending iti'elf in the Ibuth. Lord 
Dunniore, the governor of Virginia was involved 
in difpntes fimilar to thofe which had taken 
place in other colonics. Thefe had proceeded 
fo far that the alTembly was di/ToIved ; which in 
this province was attended v.ith a confequencc 
unknown to the reft. As Virginia contained a 
great number of flaves, it was necefTary that a 
militia fliould be kept conftantly on foot to keep 
them in awe. During the didolution of the af- 
lembly the militia-laws expired ; and the people, 
after complaining of the danger they were in 
from the negroes, formed a convention, which 

ena<fbed 



OF AMERICA. 299 

ena<5Ved that each county, fhould raife a quota 
for the defence of the province. Dunmore, on 
this, removed the powder from Williamfburgh ; 
\vhich created fuch difcontents, that an immedi- 
ate quarrel would probably have enfued, had not 
the merchants of the town undertaken to obtain 
fitisfa6tion for the injury fuppofed to be done to 
the community. This tranquillity, however, was 
foon interrupted ; the people, alarmed by a re- 
port that an armed party were on their way from 
the man of war where the powder had been de- 
pofited, affembled in arms, and determined to 
oppofe by force any farther removals. In fome 
of the conferences which pafTed at this time, the 
governor let fall fome unguarded expreffions, 
iuch as threatening them with fetting up the roy- 
al ftandard, proclaiming liberty to the negroes, 
deftroying the town of Williamfburgh, &c. 
which were afterwards made public, and contri- 
buted greatly to increafe the public ferment. 

The people now held frequent afTemblies. 
Some of them took up arms with a defign to force 
the governor to rePiore the powder, and to take 
the public money into iheir own poireflion -, but 
en their way to Williamfburgh for this purpofe, 
they were met by the receiver-general, who be- 
came fecurity for the payment of the gun-pow- 
der, and the inhabitants promifed to take care 
of tlie magazine and public revenue. 

By thefe proceedings the governor was {o much 
intimidated, that he fent his family on board a 
man of war. He himfelf, however, iffued a 
proclamation, in which he declared the beha- 
viour of the perfon who promoted the tumult 
trcafonable, accufed the people of difafFedlion, 

ace. 



riOO GENERAL HISTORY 

Sec. On their part they were by no means de- 
ficient in recriminating •, and fome letters of his 
to Britain being about the fame tlnae difcovered, 
coniequences enfued extremely fimilar to thofe 
which had been occafioned by thole of Mr. Hut- 
chinion's at Bofton. 

In this {late of confufion the governor thought 
it necefTary to fortify his palace with artillery, 
and procure a party of marines to guard it. Lord 
North's conciliatory propofal arriving alfo about 
the fame time, he uled his utmoft endeavours to 
caufe the people to comply with it. The argu- 
ments he ufed were planfible ; and, had not mat- 
ters already gone to fuch a pitch of dirtra<ftion, 
it is highly probable that fome attention would 
have been paid to them. " The view (he laid) 
in which the colonies ought to hold this conci- 
jlatory propoflil, was no more than an earnefl 
admonition from Great-Britain to relieve her 
wants : that the utmolt condefcendence had been 
ufed in the mode of application ; no determinate 
f(im having been fixed, as it was thought mod 
worthy of Briti(h generofity to take what they 
thought could be conveniently fpared, and like- 
wife to leave the mode of raifing it to themfelves," 
Sec. But the clamour and diifatisfaiftion were 
now fo univerful, that nothing elfe could be at- 
tended to. The governor had called an afTem- 
bly for the purpofe of laying this conciliatory 
propofal before them ; but it had been little at- 
tended to. The affembly began their fefTion by 
inquiries into the ftate of the magazine. It had 
been broken into by fome of the townfmen ; for 
which reafon fpring-guns had been placed there 
by the governor, which difcharged themfelves 

upon 



OF AMERICA. 301 

upon the ofFenders at their entrance : thefe cir- 
cumftances, with others of a fimilar kind, raifed 
fuch a violent uproar, that, as foon as the pre- 
liminary bufinefs of the feffion was over, the go- 
vernor retired on board a man of war, inform- 
ing the afTembly that he durfl no longer truft 
himfelf on ihore. This produced a long courle 
of difputation, which ended in a pofitive refufal 
of the governor to trufl himlelf again in Williamf^ 
burgh, even to give aflTent to the bills, which 
could not be pafTed without it, and though the 
alTembly offered to bind themlelves for his per- 
ibnal fafety. In his turn he requeued them to 
meet him on board the man of war, where he 
then was *, but his propofal was rejected; and 
further correfpondence containing the leaft ap- 
pearance of friendfhip was difcontinucd. 

Lord Dunmore, having thus abandoned his 
government, attempted to reduce by force thofe 
whom he could no longer govern. Some of the 
moft flrenuous adherents to the Britidi caufc, 
whom their zeal had rendered obnoxious at 
home, now repaired to him. He was al(b join- 
ed by numbers of black flaves. With thefe, and 
the ailiftance of the BritiQi {hipping, he was for 
fome time enabled to carry on a kind of predato- 
ry war fufficicnt to hurt and exafperate, but not 
lo fubdue. After fome inconfiderable attempts 
on land, proclaiming liberty to the flaves, and 
fetting up the royal ftandard, he took up his re- 
fidence at Norfolk, a maritime town of fome 
confequence, where the people were better af- 
fedfed to Britain than in moft other places. A 
ronfiderable force, however, was colle<5led 

againfl 
C c 2 



302 GENERAL HISTORY 

againft him : and the natural impetnofity of his 
temper prompting him to a6l againft them with 
more courage than caution, he was entirely de- 
feated, and obliged to retire to his fhipping, 
Avhich was now crowded by the number of thofe 
who had incurred the refentment of the provin- 
cials. 

In the mean time a fcheme of the utmoft mag- 
nitude and importance was formed by one Mr. 
Conolly, a Pennfylvanian, attached to the caufe 
of Britain. The firft ftep of this plan was to en- 
ter inro a league with the Ohio Indians. This 
he communicated to Lord Dunmore, and it re- 
ceived his approbation j upon which Conolly fet 
out, and actually fucceeded in his defign. On 
his return he v/us defpatched to General Gage, 
from whom he received a colonel's commifTion, 
and fet out in order to accomplifh the remainder 
of his fcheme. The plan in general was, that 
be ihould return to the Ohio, where by the zC- 
(iftance of the Britifh and Indians in thefe parts, 
he was to penetrate through the back, fettlements 
into Virginia, and join Lord Dlinmore at Alex- 
andria. But by an accident very naturally to be 
expected he was difcovered, taken prifoner, and 
confined. 

After the retreat of Lord Dunmore from Nor- 
folk, that place was taken poiTtfTion of by the 
provincial?, who greatly difireffed thofe on board 
Lord Dunmore's fleet, by refufmgto fupply them 
with any neceflaries. This proceeding drew a 
renumftrance from his LordQiip; in which he 
infiftcd that the fleet fliould be furniflied with 
neceflaries y but his requeft being denied, a refo- 

lution 



OF AMERICA. 30.1 

lation was taken to fet fire to the town. After 
givisg the inhabitants proper warning, a party 
landed, under cover of a man of war, and fet 
fire to that part which lay nearefl the fhore ; but 
the flames were obferved at the fame time to 
break forth in every other quarter, and the whole 
town was reduced to aflies. This univerfal de- 
Aru6^ion, occafioned a lofs of more thaa 
£ 300,000 

In the fouthern Colonies of Carolina, the go- 
vernors were expelled, and obliged to take re- 
fuge on board of men of war, as Lord Dunmore 
had been, Mr. Martin, governor of North Caro- 
lina, on a charge of attempting to raife the back- 
lettlers, conlifting chie(iy of Scots Highlanders, 
agalnft the colony. Having fecured themfelves 
againft any attempts from thefe enemies, how- 
ever, they proceeded to regulate their internal 
concerns in the fame manner as the reft of the 
colonies ; and by the end of the year 1775, Bri- 
tain beheld the whole of America united againfl 
her in the mofl determined oppofition. Her vaft 
poflefTions of that tra6t of land (fince known by 
the name of the Thirteen United States) were now 
reduced .to the fmgle town of Bofton ; in which 
her forces were befieged by an army with whom 
they were apparantly not able to cope, and by 
whom they muft of courfe expcfl in a very iliort 
time to be expelled. The fituation of the inha- 
bitants of Boflon, indeed, was peculiarly unhap- 
py. After having failed in their attempts to 
leave the town, General Gage had confcnted to 
allow them to retire with their efre<5fs \ but after- 
wards, treacheroufly refufed to fulfil his promife. 
When he refigned his place to General Howe in 

Oa-ober 



304 GENERAL HISTORY 

O6lober 1775, the latter, apprehenfive that they 
might give intelligence of the fituation of the 
Britifh troops, ftriflly prohibited any perfon from 
leaving the place under pain of military execu- 
tion. Thus matters continued till the month of 
March 1776, when the town was evacuated. 

On the 2d of that month, General Wafhing- 
ton opened a battery on the weft fide of the town, 
from whence it was bombarded, with a heavy 
fire of cannon at the fame time; and three days 
after, it was attacked by another battery from 
the eaftern (hore. This terrible attack continued 
for 14< days without intermiflionj when General 
Howe, finding the place no longer tenable, de- 
termined if poflible to drive the enemy from their 
works. Preparations were therefore made for 
a moft vigorous attack on a hill called Dor- 
chefter Neck, which the Americans had fortified 
in fuch a manner as would in all probability have 
rendered the entcrprife next to defperate. No 
difficulties, however, were fufficient to daunt the 
fpirit of the general ; and every thing was in 
readinefs, when a fudden ftorm prevented an ex- 
ertion which muft have been productive of a 
dreadful wafte of blood. Next day, upon a 
more clofe infpeCtion of the works they were to 
attack, it was thought advifable to defift from 
the enterprife altogether. The fortifications 
were very ftrong, and exceedingly well provided 
with artillery ; and, befides other implements of 
deftru£lion, upwards of lOOhogfiieadsof ftones 
were provided to roll down upon the enemy as 
they came up ; which, as the afcent was ex- 
tremely flecp, muft have done prodigious exe- 
cution. 

Nothing 



OF AMERICA. 305 

Nothing therefore now remained but to think 
of a retreat; and even this was attended with 
the utmoil difficuhy and danger. The Ameri- 
cans, however, knowing that it was in the power 
of the Britifh general to reduce the town to a(hes, 
which could not have been repaired in many 
years, did not think proper to give the leaft mo- 
leOation ; and for the fpace of a fortnight the 
troops were employed in the evacuation of the 
place, from whence they carried along with them 
2000 of the inhabitants, who durft not Oay 
on account of their attachment to the Brithh 
caufe. From Bofton they failed to Halifax ; but 
all their vigilance could not prevent a number of 
valuable (hips from falling into the hands of the 
Americans. A confiderable quantity of cannon 
and ammunition had alfo been left at Bunker's 
Hill and Boffon Neck ; and in the town, an im- 
menfe variety of goods, principally woollen and 
linen, of which the provincials flood very much 
in need. The eftates of thofe who fled to Hali- 
fax were confifcatcd; as alfo thofe who were at- 
tached to government, and had remained in the 
town. As an attack was expelled as foon as the 
liritidi forces flii)uld arrive, every method was 
employed to render the fortifications already very 
ftrong, impregnable. For this purpofc fome fo- 
reign engineers were employed, who had before 
arrived at Bofton-, and fo e^ger were people of 
all ranks to accomplifh this bufinefs, that every 
able-bodied man in the place, without diftinftiou 
of rank, fet apart two days in the week, to com- 
plete it the fooner. 

CHAP 



S06 GENERAL HISTORY 

CHAP. IV. 



Congrefs declare the States independetit — Siege of ] 
^lehec Jl'ill continued — Gen, Thcmpfon defeated 
— InfurreBion of the Loyaltfts in North Caroli- 
na — Lord Dunmore finally driven out of Virgi' 
nia — Britflj attack Charlejhny and are rc- 
piilfed — Ainericans form a Navy, 

X HE Americans, exafperated to the ut- 
jnofl by the proceedings of parliament, which 
placed them out of the royal prote^^ion, and en- 
gaged foreign mercenaries in the plan for fubdii- 
ing them, now formally renounced all connec- 
tion with Britain, and declared themfelves inde- 
pendent. This celebrated declaration was pub- 
iiflied on the 4ih of July 1776. Previous to 
this a circular letter had been fent through each 
colony, ftnt-ing the reafonti for it •, and fuch was 
the animofity now every where prevailing againfc 
Great Britain, that it met wiili univeifal appro- 
bation, except in the province of Maryland alone. 
It was not long, however, before the people of 
that colony, finding themfelves left in a very 
dangerous minority, thought proper to accede 
to the meafures of the reft. T^e manifefto itfelf ^^ 
was in ihe ufual nervous ftyle, flating a long lift 
of grievances, for which redrefs had been often 
applied in vain : and for thefe reafons they de- 
termined on a final feparation ; to hold the peo- 
ple of Britain as the reft of mankind, ** enemies 
in war, in peace friends." 

After 



OF AMERICA. 30t 

After thus publicly throwingoff all allegiance 
and hope of reconciliation, the colonifls foon 
found that an exertion of all their ftrength was 
required in order to fupport their pretenfions. 
Their arms, indeed, had not, during this feafon, 
been attended with fuccefs in Canada. Rein- 
forcements had been promifed to Col. Arnold, 
who ftill continued the blockade of Quebec ; 
but they did not arrive in time to fecond his ope- 
rations. Being fenfible, however, that he mufl 
either defift from the enterprife, or finilli it fuc- 
cefsfuliy, he recommenced in form ; attempting 
to burn the (hipping, and even toftorm the town 
itfelf. They were unfuccefsful, however, by 
reafoh of the fmallnefs of their number, though 
they fucceeded fo far as to burn a number of 
houfes in the fuburbs ; and the garriibn were 
obliged to pull down the remainder, in order to 
prevent the fire from fpreading. 

As the provincials, though unable to reduce 
the town, kept the garrifon in continual alarms, 
and in a very difagreeable fituation, fome of the 
nobility colie<51:ed themfelves into a body under 
the command of one Mr. Beaujeu, in order to 
relieve their capital •, but they were met on their 
march by the provincials, and fo entirely defeat- 
ed, that they were never afterwards able to at- 
tempt any thing. Their want of artillery at laft 
convinced them, that it was impra(flicable in their 
fituation to reduce a place fo ftrongly fortified; 
the fmall-pox, at the lame time made its appear- 
ance in their camp, and carried off great num- 
bers ; intimidating the reft to fuch a degree, that 
they defer ted in crowds- To add to their mis- 
fortunes, the BritKh reinforcements unexpected- 



306 GENERAL HISTORY 

ly appeared, and the fhips made their way 
through the ice with fuch celerity, that the one 
part of their army was feparated from the other j 
and General Carleton fallying out as foon as the 
reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly 
with the utmort precipitation, leaving behind 
them all their cannon and military ftores ; at the 
fame time that their fliipping was entirely captur- 
ed by vefleis fent up the river for that purpofe. 
On this occafion the provincials fled with inch 
precipitation that they could not be overtaken *, fo 
that none fell into the hands of the Britifti, ex- 
cepting the Tick and wounded. General Carleton 
now gave a fignal inftance of his humanity : Be- 
ing well apprifed that many of the provincials 
had not been able to accompany the reft in their 
retreat, and that they were concealed in woods, 
&c. In a very deplorable fituation, he generoufly 
ifTued a proclamation, ordering proper perfons 
to feek them out, and give them relief at the 
public expenfe •, at the fame time left, through 
fear of being made prifoners, they ftiould refufe 
thcfe offers of humanity, he promifed that, as 
foon as their fituation enabled them, they ftiould 
be at liberty to depart to their refpe(5five homes. 
The Britifh general, now freed from any dan- 
ger of an attack, was foon enabled to aft ofFen- 
lively againft the provincials, by the arrival of 
the forces deftined for that purpole from Biitain. 
By thele he was put at the head of 12,000 regu- 
lar troops, among whom were thofe of Brunl- 
wick. With this force he inftantly fet out to the 
Three Rivers, where he expefted that Arnold 
would have made a ftand ; but he had retired to 
Sorel a place 150 miles diftant from Quebec, 

where 



OF AMERICA. 309 

where he was at lafl: met by the reinforcement 
ordered by congrefs. Here, though the preced- 
ing events were by no means calculated to iu- 
fpire much military ardour, a very daring enter- 
prize was undertaken ; and this was, to furprife 
the Britifli troops ported here under Generals 
Frafer and Nefbit ; of whom the former com- 
manded thofe on land, the latter, fuch as were 
on board of tranfports and were but a little way 
diftant. The enterprife was undoubtedly very 
hazardous, both on account of the ftrength of 
the parties againrt whom they were to zt\, and 
as the main body of the Britifli forces were ad- 
vanced within 50 miles of the place ; befides that 
a number of armed vefTels and tranTports with 
troops lay between them and the Three Rivers. 
Two thoufand chofen men, however, under Ge- 
neral Thompfon, engaged in this enterprife. 
Their fuccefs was by no means anfwerable to 
their fpirit and valour. Though they pafTed the 
fhipping without being obferved. General Fra- 
fer had notice of their landing ; and thus being 
prepared to receive them, they were foon thrown 
into diforder, at the fame time that General Nef- 
bit, having landed his forces, prepared to attack 
them in the rear. On this occafion fome field- 
pieces did prodigious execution, and a retreat 
was found to be unavoidable. General Nefbit, 
however, had got between them and their boats, 
fo that they were obliged to take a circuit through 
a deep fwamp, while they were hotly purfued 
by both parties at the fame time, who marched 
for fome miles on each fide the fwamp, till at lafl: 
the unfortunate provincials were flickered from 

further 
D d 



310 GENERAL HISTORY 

further danger by a wood at the end of the 
fvvamp. Their general, however, was taken 
with 200 of his men. 

By this difafter the provincials loft all hopes of 
accomplifhing any thing more in Canada. They 
demoliihed their works, and carried off their ar- 
tillery with the utmoft expedition. They were 
purfued, however, by General Burgoyne ; who 
on the 18th of June arrived at Fort St. John's 
which he found abandoned and burnt. Cham- 
blee had fhared the fame fate, as well as all the 
.veflels that were not capable of being dragged 
up againft the current of the river j and the pro- 
vincial troops had retreated acrofs the lake to 
Crown-Point, whither they could not be imme- 
diately followed. Thus was the province of Ca- 
nada entirely evacuated bf*the Americans, who 
had thus fecured the frontier of the adjacent 
ftates from invafion on the part of the Britifh j 
the objedl of a campaign in which 13,000 men 
were employed, and near a million of money ex- 
pended, was rendered in a great meafure abor- 
tive. General Sullivan, who condudled this re- 
treat after the affair of General Thompfon, had 
great merit in what he did, and received the 
thanks of congrefs accordingly. 

This was followed by fome tranfa6^ionsin the 
fouthern colonies, which farther evinced their re- 
folution, and raifed the fpirits of the Americans 
. — We have formerly taken notice that Mr. Mar- 
tin, governor of North-Carolina, had been oblig- 
ed to leave his province and take refuge on board 
a man of war. Notwithftanding this he did not 
defpair of reducing it again to obedience. For 
this purpofe he applied to the regulators, :» dar- 
ing 



OF AMERICA. 311 

ing fet of banditti, who lived in a kind of inde- 
pendent ftate •, and though confidered by govern- 
ment as rebels, yet had never been molefted, on 
account of their numbers and known fkill in the 
ufe of fire-arms. To the chiefs of thefe people 
commiflions were fent, in order to raife fome re- 
giments ; and a Colonel Macdonald was appoint- 
ed to command them. In the month of Februa- 
ry he ere(5led the king's ftandard, iffued procla- 
mations, &c. and collected fome forces, expell- 
ing to be foon joined by a body of regular troopSf 
who were known to be fhipped from Britain to 
v.'St againft: the fouthern colonies. The Ameri- 
cans, fenfible of their danger, defpatched imme- 
diately what forces they -had to a<5f againft the 
royalifts, at the fame time that they diligently 
exerted themfelves to fupport thefe with fuitable 
reinforcements. Their prefent force was com- 
manded by General Moore whofe numbers were 
inferior to Macdonald ; for which reafon the lat- 
ter fumnaoned him to join the king's flandard 
under pain of being treated as a rebel. But 
Moore, being well provided with cannon, and 
confcious that nothing could be attempted againft 
him, returned the compliment, by acquainting 
Colonel Macdonald, that if he and his party 
would lay down their arms, and fubfcribe an oath 
of fidelity to congrefs, they (hould be treated as 
friends; but if they perfifted in an undertaking 
for v^/hich it is evident they had not fufficient 
ftrength, they could not but expe<5t the fevercft 
treatment. In a few days General Moore found 
himfelf at the head of 8000 men, by reafon of 
the continual fupplies which 'daily arrived from 
all parts. The royal party amounted only to 

2000^ 



312 GENERAL HISTORY 

2000, and they were deftitute of artillery, whlcli 
prevented them from attacking the enemy while 
they had the advantage of numbers. They were 
now therefore obliged to have recourfe to a dejT- 
perate exertion of perfonal valour ; by dint of 
which they effefled a retreat for near 80 miles 
to Moor's Creek, within 16 miles of Wilming- 
ton. Could they have gained this place, they ex- 
pedled to have been joined by governor Martin 
and general Clinton, who had lately arrived with 
■a confiderable detachment. But general Moore 
with his army purfued them fo clofe, that they 
were obliged to attempt the pafTage of the creek 
itfelf, though a confiderable body of the Ameri- 
cans, under the command of Colonel Cafwell, 
with fortifications well planted with cannon, was 
polled on the other. On attempting the creek, 
however, it was found not to be fordable. They 
were obliged therefore to crofs over a wooden 
bridge, which the provincials had not time to de- 
flroy entirely. They had, however, by pulling 
up part of the planks, and greafmg the remain- 
der in order to render them flippery, made the 
palfage Co difficult, that the royalilh could not 
attempt it. In this fituation they were, on the 
27th of February, attacked by general Moore 
with his fuperior army, and totally defeated with 
the lofs of their general and moft of their leaders, 
as well as the beft and bravcft of their men. 

Thus was the power of the Americans efta- 
blifhed in North-Carolina. Nor were they lefs 
fucccfsful in the province of Virginia ; where 
Lord Dunmore having long continued an ufelefs 
predutory war, was at laft driven from every 
creek and road in the province. The people h e 

had 



OF AMERICA. 313 

had on board were diftrefTed to the higheft: de- 
gree by confinement in fmall vefTels. The heat 
of the feafon, and the numbers crowded together, 
produced a peftilential fever, which made great 
havock, efpecially among the blacks. At laft, 
finding themfelves in the utmoft hazard of perifli- 
ing by famine as well as difeafe, they fet fire to 
the leafl valuable of their veiTelsj referving only 
about 50 for themfelves, in which they bid a final 
ajieu to Virginia, fome failing to Florida, fome 
to Bermuda, and the reft to the Weft-Indies. 

In South-Carolina the Americans, had a more 
formidable enemy to deal with. At Cape-Fear 
a juncftion was formed between Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, and Sir Peter Parker, the latter of whom 
had fiiiled with his fquadron diredlly from Eu- 
rope. They concluded to attempt the redudfion 
of Charlefton as being, of all places within the 
line of their inftrudf ions, the objefi: at which they 
could ftrike with the greateft profpe6t of advan- 
tage. They had 2,800 land forces, which they 
hoped, with the co-operation of their ftiipplng, 
would be fully fufficient. 

For fome months paft every exertion had been 
made to put the Colony of South-Carolina, and 
efpecially its capital, Charlefton, in a refpeftable 
pofture of defence. In fubferviency to this view, 
works had been erefled on Sullivan's ifland, 
which is fituated fo near the channel leading up 
to the town, as to be a convenient poft for an- 
noying veftels approaching it. 

Sir Peter Parker attacked the fort on that 
iftand with twx) fifty gun fliips, the Briftol and 
Experiment, four frigates, the A(5live, Afteon, 

Solebav 
D d 2 



3U GENERAL HISTORY 

Solcbay and Syren, each of 28 guns. The Sphynx 
of 20 guns, the Friend Ihip armed vefTel of 22 
guns, Ranger floop, and Thunder bomb, each 
of 8 guns. On the fort were mounted 26 cannon, 
26, 18 and 9 pounders- The attack commenc- 
ed between ten and eleven in the forenoon; and 
was continued upwards of ten hours. The gar- 
rifon confining of 375 regulars and a few militia, 
under the command of colonel Moultrie, made 
a moll gallant defence. They fired deliberately, 
for the moft part took aim and feidom mifTed 
their objeft. The fiiips were torn almofl to 
pieces, and the killed and wounded on board ex- 
ceeded 200 men. The lofs of the garrifon was 
only ten men killed and 22 wounded. The fort 
being built of palmetto was little damaged. The 
(liot which flruck it were inefFeftually buried in 
its foft wood, General Clinton had fome time 
before the engagement, landed with a number of 
troops on Long-Ifland, and it was expelled that 
he would have co-operated with Sir Peter Par- 
ker, by croffing over the narrow pafiage, which 
divides the two iflands, and attacking the fort in 
its unfinifhed rear, but the extreme danger to 
which he muft unavoidably have expofcd his men, 
induced him to decline the perilous attempt. 
Colonel Thomfon with 7 or 800 men was Ita- 
tioned at the eaft end of Sullivan's ifland to op- 
pofe their croffing. No ferious attempt was made 
to land either from the fleet or the detachment 
commanded by Sir Henry Clinton. The firing 
ceafed in the evening, and foon after the (hips 
flipped their cables. Before morning they had 
retired about two miles from the ifland. With- 
in a few days more the troops re-embarked and 

failed 



OF AMERICA. 315 

failed for New-York. The thanks of congrefs 
were given to General Lee, who had been fent 
by congrefs to take the command in Carolina, 
and alfo to colonels Moultrie and Thomfon, for 
their good condu6l on this memorable day. In 
compliment to the commanding officer the fort 
from that time was called Fort Moultrie. 

This year alfo, the Americans, having fo fre- 
quently made trial of their valour by land, be- 
came defnous of trying it by fea alfo, and of 
forming a navy that might in fome meafure be 
able to protedl their trade, and ($o efTential hurt 
to the enemy. In the beginning of March, Com- 
modore Hopkins was defpatched with five fri- 
gates to the Bah?:na idands, where he made him- 
felf mafter of the ordnance and military (lores ; 
but the gunpowder v/hich had been the principal 
objecf, was removed. On his return he captured 
feveral vefTeis ; but was foiled in his attempt on 
the Glafgow frigate, which found means to ef- 
cape noiwithftanding the efforts of his whole 
fquadron. 



S 1 6 GENERAL HISTORY 

CHAP. V. 



Battle on Long IJla7id-—Ne'W'Torh abandoned — Bat' 
tie at the White-plains — BritiJJj overrun the Jer- 
feys — Rhode- IJland taken — The Britijh convey 
Veffels ut> the Lake Champlain — and dejlroy the 
Naval Force of the Americans — General Lee taken 
prifoner — Battles of Trenton and Princeton, 



T 



HE time, however, was now come 
when the fortitude and patience of the Americans 
were to undergo a fevere trial. Hitherto they 
had been on the whole fuccefsful in their opera- 
tions : but now they were doomed to experience 
misfortune, mifery, and difappointment ; the 
enemy over-running their country, and their own 
armies not able to face them in the field. The 
province of New-York, as being the mod cen- 
tral colony, and moft accefTible by Tea, was 
pitched upon for the objedl of the main attack. 
The force fent againft it confifted of 6 fliips of 
the line, 30 frigates, befides other armed vcfTels, 
and a vaft number of tranfports. The fleet was 
commanded by Lord Howe, and the land forces 
by his brother General Howe, who was now at 
Halifax. The latter, however, a confiderable 
time before his brother arrived, had fet fail from 
Halifax, and lay before New- York, but without 
attempting to commence hoflilities until he (hould 
be joined by his brother. The Americans had, 
according to cuftom, fortified New-York and the 
adjacent iflaods in an extraordinary manner. 

However, 



OF AMERICA. 317 

However^ General Howe was fufFered to land 
his troops on Statcn Ifland, where he was foon 
joined by a number of the inhabitants* About 
the middle of July, Lord Howe arrived with the 
grand armament ; and being one of the commif- 
/joners appointed to receive the fubmiffion of the 
colonifts, he publifhed a circular letter to this 
purpofe to the feveral governors who had lately 
been expelled from their provinces, defiring them 
to make the extent of his commiffion, and the 
powers he was invefted with by parliament, as 
public as poffible. Here, however, congrefs 
faved him trouble, by ordering his letter and de- 
claration to be publiihed in all the newfpapers, 
" That every one might fee the infidioufnefs of 
the Britidi minidry, and that they had nothing 
to truft to befides the exertion of their own va- 
lour." 

Lord Howe ne;xt fcnt a letter to General Wafh- 
ington ; but as it was direfled to George Waih- 
ington, Efq. the General refufed to accept of it, 
as not being directed in the flyle fuitable to his 
ftation.. To obviate this objecflion. Adjutant-ge- 
neral Patterfon was fent with another letter, di- 
re<5led ** T.o George Wajlnngton^ iffc- ilfc, isfc." 
But though a very polite reception was given to 
the bearer, General Wafliington utterly refufed 
the letter ; nor could any explanation of the 
adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only 
hiterefting part of the converfation was that re- 
lating to the powers of the commiflioners, of 
whom Lord Howe was one. The adjutant told 
him, that thefe powers were very extenfive ; that 
the commilfioners were determined to exert 
themfelves to the utmoU: in order to bring about 

■ a reconciliation j 



318 GENERAL HISTORY 

a reconciliation *, and that he hoped the General 
would conllder this vifit as a ftep towards it. 
General Walhington replied, that it did not ap- 
pear that thefe powers confifted in any thing elfe 
than granting pardons ; and as America had 
committed no offence, (he afked no forgivenefs, 
and was only defending her unqueftionable 
rights. 

The decifion of every thing being now by con- 
fent of both parties kft to the fword, no time 
was loft, but hoOilities commenced as foon as the 
Britifli troops could be collected. This, how- 
ever, was not done before the month of Auguft : 
when they landed without any oppofition on 
Long-ifland, oppofite to the fhore of Statcn- 
Ifland. General Putnam, with a large body of 
troops, lay encamped and ftrongly fortified on 
a peninfula on the oppofite fhore, with a range 
of hills between the armies, the principal pafs of 
which was near a place called Flat-BuJJj. Here 
the centre of the Britifli army, confifting of Hef- 
lians, took port ; the left wing, under General 
Grant, lying near the Ihore •, and the right, con- 
fifting of the greater part of the Britini forces, 
lay under Lord Percy, Cornwallis, and General 
Clinton. Putnam had ordered the paffes to be 
iecured by large detachments, which was exe- 
cuted as to thofe at hand •, but one of the titmoft 
importance, that lay at a diftance, was entirely 
neglc(5led. This gave an opportunity to a large 
body of troops under Lord Percy and Clinton 
to pafs the mountains and attack the Americans 
in the rear, while they were engaged with the 
Hellians in front. Through this piece of negli- 
gence their defeat became inevitable. Thofe who 

were 



OF AMERICA. 3ly 

were engaged with the Hiffians fir ft perceived 
their miftake, and began a retreat towa'-ds their 
camp ; but the pafTage was intercepted by the 
Britifli troops, who drove them back into the 
woods. Here they were met by the Hefllans ; 
and thus they were for many hours flaughtered 
between the two parties, no way of efcape re- 
maining but by breaking through the BritiQi 
troops, and thus regaining their camp. In this 
attempt many peridied ; and the right wing, en- 
gaged with General Grant, (hared the fame fate. 
The vidlory was complete -, and the Americans 
lofl on this fatal day (Auguft 27) confiderably 
upwards of 1000 men, and two generals ; feve- 
ral officers of diftin6lion were made prifoners, 
with a number of privates. Among the flain, a 
regiment confiding of young gentlemen of fortune 
and family in Maryland, was almoft entirely cut 
in pieces, and of the furvivors not one efcaped 
without a wound. 

The ardour of the Britifh troops was now fo 
great, that they could fcarce be reftrained from 
attacking the lines of the provincials -, but for 
this there was now no occafion, as it was certain 
they could not be defended. Of the Britifh and 
Heffians about 4-50 were loft in this engagement. 

As none of the American commanders thought 
it proper to rifle another attack, it was relolved 
to abandon their camp as foon as poflible. Ac- 
cordingly, on the night ot the 29th of Auguft, 
the whole of the continental troops were ferried 
over with the utmoft fecrecy and iilence ; fo that 
in the morning the Britifli had nothing to do but 
take pofl^eflion of the camp and what artillery 
they had abandoned. 

This 



620 GENERAL HISTORY 

This vi(n-ory, though complete, was very far 
from being fo dedfive as vhe conquerors imagin- 
ed. Lord Howe, fuppofitig that it would be 
fufficicnt to intjmidate the congrefs into fome 
terms, fent General Sullivan, who had been taken 
prifoner in the late a(n:ion, to congrefs, with a 
mefTnge, importing, that though he could not 
confiftently treat with them as a legal aderably, 
yet he w<Hild be very glad to confer with any of 
the members in their private capacity ; fetting 
forth at the fame time the nature and extent of 
his powers as commiiTioner. But the congrefs 
v/ere not fo humbled as to derogate in the leaft 
from the dignity of character they had afTumed. 
They replied, that the congrefs of the free and 
independent Hates of America could not confid- 
ently fend any of its members in another capacity 
than that which they had publicly affumed ; but 
as they were extremely defjrous of reftoring 
peace to their country upon equitable conditions, 
they would appoint a committee of their body to 
wait upon him, and learn what propofals hehad 
to make. 

This produced a new conference. The com- 
mittee appointed by congrefs was compofed of 
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Rutledge. 
They were very politely received by his Lord- 
Ihip ; but the conference proved as fruirlei.s as 
before independency had been declared ; and the 
final anlwer of the deputies was, that they were 
extremely willing to enter into any treary with. 
Great Britain that might conduce to the good of 
both nations, but that they would not treat in 
any other character than that of independent 
flates. This pofitive declaration inflantly put an 

end 



OF AMERICA. 321 

end ta all hopes of reconciliation ; and it was re- 
folved to profecute the war with the utmoft vi- 
gour. Lord Howe, after publifhing a manifefto, 
in which he declared the refufal of congrefs, and 
that he himfelf was willing to confer with all well 
difpofed perfons about the means of redoring 
public tranquillity, fet about the moft proper me- 
thods for reducing the city of New- York. Here 
the provincial troops were pofled, and from a 
great number of batteries kept continually annoy- 
ing the Britifli /hipping. IheEaft River lay be- 
tween them, of about 1200 yards in breadth, 
which the Britilh troops were extremely defirous 
of pafling. At laft, the (hips having, after an 
incelTant cannonade of feveral days, lilenced the 
moll troublefome batteries, a body of troops were 
fent up the river to a bay, about three miles dif- 
tant, where the fortifications were lefs ftrong 
than in other places. Here having driven off the 
provincials by the cannon of the fleet, they march- 
ed dircftly towards the city j but the Americans 
finding that they fhould now be attacked on all 
fides, abandoned the city, and retired to the north 
of the ifland, where the principal force was col- 
lecTted. In their pafTage thither they fkirmifhed 
vvith the Britilh, but carefully avoided a general 
engagement ; and it was obferved that they did 
not behave with that ardour and impetuous va- 
lour which had hitherto marked their chara6ler. 
The Britifh and provincial armies were not 
now above two miles diflant from each other. 
The former lay encamped from fliore to fhore 
for an extent of two miles, being the breadth of 
the ifland, which, though 15 miles long, exceeds 

not 
E e 



322 GENERAL HISTORY 

not two in any part in breadth. The provincials, 
who lay direfily oppofite had ftrengthened their 
camp with many fortifications; at the lame time 
being mafters of all the pafTes and defiles betwixt 
the two camps they were enabled to defend them» 
felves againft an army much more numerous than 
their own ; and they had ftrongly fortified a pafs 
called KingS'BridgCy whence they could fecure 
a pafTage to the continent in cafe of any misfor- 
tune. Here General Wafliington in order to 
inure the provincials to aftual fervice, and at the 
fame time to annoy the enemy as much as poffi- 
ble, employed his troops in continual fkirmifties; 
by which it wns obferved that they foon recov- 
ered their fpirits, and behaved with their ufuai 
boldnefs. 

As the fituation of the two armies was now 
highly inconvenient for the Britifli generals it 
was refolved to make fuch movements as might 
oblige Gen. Wafhington to relinquifh his ftrong 
fituation. The pofiTefiion of New- York had been 
iefs beneficial than was expe<Sied. A few days 
after it was evacuated by the Americans, a dread- 
ful fire broke out, occafioned, probably, by the 
licentious condufl of fome of its new mafters, 
and had it not been for the active exertions of 
the Tailors and foldiery, the who^e town might 
have been confnmed, the wind being high, and 
the weather remarkably dry. About a thoufand 
houfes were deflroyed. General Howe having 
left Lord Percy with fufficient force to garrifon 
New-York, he embarked his army in flat- bot- 
tomed boats by which they were conveyed 
through the dangerous pafiage called Hell-Gate, 
and landed near the town of Well-Cheftc.'-, lying 

on 



OF AMERICA. 312S 

an the continent towards Connecfbicut. Here 
having received a fapply of men and provifions, 
they moved to New.Rochelle, fituated on the 
found which feparates Long-Ifland from the con- 
tinent. After this receiving ftill freOi reinforce- 
ments, they made fuch movements as threatened 
to diRrefs the provincials vefy much by cutting 
olT their convoys of provifions from Conne<flicut, 
and thus force them to an engagement. This, 
however, General WaOiington determined at all 
events to avoid. He therefore extended his forces 
into a long line oppofite to the way in which the 
enemy marched, keeping the Brunx, a river of 
confiderable magnitude, between the two armies, 
with the North-River on his rear. Here again 
the provincials continued for fome time to annoy 
and fkirmifh with the royal army, until at laft 
by fome other manoeuvres, the Britifh general 
found means to attack them advantageoully at a 
place called the White-Plawsy and drove them 
from fome of their pofts. The fuccefs on this 
occafion was much lefs complete than the former; 
however it obliged the provincials once more to 
fnift their ground, and to retreat farther up the 
country. General Howe purfued for fome time ; 
but at la ft finding all his endeavours vain to bring 
the Americans to a pitched battle, he determined 
to give over fuch an ufelefs chafe, and employ 
himfelf in reducing the forts which the provin- 
cials fliil retained in the neighbourhood of New- 
York. In this he met with the moft complete 
fuccefs. The Americans, on the approach of the 
king's forces, retreated from King's-Bridge into 
Foit Wafhington ; and this as well as Fort- Lee, 
which hy in the neighbourhood, was quickly 

reduced. 



324 GENERAL HISTORY 

reduced, though the garrifon made their efcape. 
Thus the Jerfeys were Jaid entirely open to the 
incurfions of the Britifh troops, and fo fcilv were 
thefe provinces taken pofTellioo of by the royal 
army, that its winter-quarters extended from 
New-Brunfwick to the river Dehiware. Had 
any number of boats been at hand, it was thought 
Philadelphia would have fallen into their hands. 
All thefe, however, had been carefully removed 
by the Americans. In lieu of this enterprife. 
Sir Henry Clinton, undertook an expediiioa to 
•Rhode-Ifl and, and became malkr of it without 
lofing a man. His expedition was alfo attended 
with this further advantage, that the Aaierican 
fkct under commodore Hopkins was obliged to 
fail as far as pofTible up the river Providence, and 
thus remained entirely ufelefs. 

The fame ill fuccefs continued to attend the 
Americans in other parts. After their expulfion 
from Canada, they had crofTed the lake Cham- 
plain, and taken up their quarters at Crown- 
Point, as we have already mentioned. Here 
they remained for fome time in fafety, as the Bri- 
'tifli had no vefTels on the lake, and confequently 
general Burgoyne could not purfue them. To 
remedy this deficiency, there was no polTible me- 
thod, but either to conflrucft vefTels on the fpot, 
or take to pieces Ibme vefTels already conflruflcd, 
and drag them up the river into the lake. This 
however, was effected in no longer a fpace than 
three months; and the Britifh general, after in- 
credible toil and difficulty. Taw himTelf in poT- 
Teflion of a great number of vefTels, by which 
means he was enabled to purlue his enemies, and 
invade them in hi§j»turn. The labour undergone 

at 



OF AMERICA. S25 

at this time by the Tea and land forces muft in- 
deed have been prodigious; fince there were con- 
veyed over land, and dragged up the rapids or 
St. Lawrence, not fewer than thirty large long- 
boats, 400 batteaux, befides a vaft number of 
flat-bottomed boats, and a gondola of 30 tons. 
The intent of the expedition was to puQi forward, 
before winter, to Albany, where the army would 
take up its winter-quarters, and next fpring effefl 
a junction with that under General Howe, when 
it was not doubted that the united force and fkill 
of thefe two commanders would fpeedily put a 
termination to the w^ir. 

By reafon of the difficulties with which the 
equipment of this fleet had been attended, it was 
the beginning of 0<n:ober before the expedition 
could be undertaken. It was now, however, 
by every judge, allowed to be completely able 
to anfwer the purpofefor which it was intended. 
It confifted of one large vefTel with three mafts, 
carrying 18 twelve pounders; two fchooners, 
the one carrying 14, the other 12 fix pounders; 
a large fiat-bottomed radeau with fix twenty-four 
and 6 twelve pounders ; and a gondola with 8 
nine pounders. Befides thefe, were 20 veffels of 
a fmaller fizc, called gun-boats, carrying each a 
piece of brafs ordnance from nine to twenty-four 
pounders, or howitzers. Several long-boats were 
fitted out in the fame manner ; and befides all 
thefe, there was a vaft number of boats and ten- 
ders of various fizes to be ufed as tranfports for 
the troops and baggage. It was manned by a 
number of fcle<ft feamen, and the guns were to be 
ferved by a detachment from the corps of artil- 
lery; 
E c 2 



326 GENERAL HISTORY 

lery ; the officers and foldiers appointed for this 
expedition were alfo chofen out of the whole 
army. 

To oppofe this formidable armament the Ame- 
ricans had only a very inconfiderable force, com- 
manded by General Arnold ; who, after engag- 
ing part of the Britifli fleet for a whole day, took 
advantage of the darknefs of the night to fet fail 
without being perceived, and the next morning 
was out of fight : but he was fo hotly purfued by 
the Britilh, that on the fecond day after, he was 
overtaken, and forced to a fecond engagement. 
In thii he behaved with great gallantry ; but his 
force being very inferior to that of th«| enemy, 
he was obliged to run his (hips a-fliore and fet 
them on fire. A few only efcaped to lake George; 
and the garrifon of Crown -Point having deftroy- 
ed or carried off every thing of value, retired to 
Ticonderago. Thither General Carleton intend- 
ed to have purfued them ; but the difficulties he 
had to encounter appeared fo many and fo great, 
that it was thought proper to march back into 
Canada and defift from any further operations till 
next fpring. 

Thus the affairs of the Americans feemed eve- 
fy where going to wreck; even thofe who had 
been moft fanguine in their caufe began to waver. 
The time, alfo, for which the foldiers had enlift- 
ed themfelves was now expired ; and the bad 
fuccefs of the preceding campaign had been fo 
very difcouraging, that no perlbn was willing to 
engage himfeif during the continuance of a war 
of which the event feemed to be fo doubtful. In 
confequence of this, therefore, General Walhing- 
ton found his army daily decre^fing in ftrength ; 

fo 



OF AMERICA. 327 

fo that, from 30,000 of which it confifted when 
general Howe landed on Staten Ifland, fcarce a 
tenth part could now be muftered. To aflift the 
chief commander as much as polfible, general 
Lee had collected a body of forces in the north ; 
but on his way iouthward, having imprudently 
taken up his lodging at fome diftance from his 
troops, information was given to colonel Har- 
court, who happened at that time to be in the 
neighbourhood, and Lee was made prifoner. 
The lofs of this general was much regretted, the 
more efpccially as he was of fuperior quality to 
any prifoner in the poflTeflion of the colonics, and 
could not therefore be exchanged. Six. field- 
officers were offered in exchange for him, and 
refufed ; and the congrefs was highly irritated at 
its being reported that he was to be treated as a 
deferter, having been a half-pay officer in the 
BritilTi fervice at the commencement of the war. 
In confeqnence of this they iffiieda proclamation, 
threatening to retaliate on the prifoners in their 
poffeffion whatever punifliment would be inflict- 
ed on any of thofe taken by the Britifh, and ef- 
pecially that their condu6l fhould be regulated 
by the treatment of general Lee. 

In the mean time they proceeded with the moft 
indefatigable diligence to recruit their army, and 
bound their foldiers to ferve for a term of three 
years, or during the continuance of the war. 
The army defigned for the enfuing campaign, was 
to confift of 88 battalions ; of which each pro- 
vince was to contribute its quota *, and 20 dollars 
were offered as a bounty to each foldier, bcfides 
an allotment of lands at the end of the war. No 
ands were promifed to thofe who only enlif^ed 

fof 



328 GENERAL HISTORY 

for three years. AH officers or foldiers difabled 
through wounds received in the fervice were to 
enjoy half-pay during life. To defray the expenfe 
Congrt^fs borrowed five millions of dollars at five 
per cent •, for the payment of which the United 
feites became furety. At the fame time, in order 
to animate the people to vigorous exertions, a de- 
claration was publiftied, in which they fet forth 
the neceiTity there was for taking proper methods 
to infure luccefs in their caufe : they endeavour- 
ed to palliate as much as poiTible the misfortunes 
which had already happened ; and reprefented 
the true caufe of the prefent dillrefs to be the 
Ihort term of enliftment. 

This declaration, together with the immhient 
danger of Philadelphia, determined the Ameri- 
cans to exert themfelves to the utmoft in order 
to reinforce Gen. Wafhington's arm)', who, even 
in this time of depreffion and difcouragement, 
formed the bold defign of recroffing the Dela- 
ware, and attacking that part of the enemy which 
was ported at Trenton. As the Royal army ex- 
tended in different cantonments for a great way. 
Gen. Wafhington, perceiving the imminent dan- 
ger to which Philadelphia was expofed, refolved 
to make fome attempt on thofe dlvifions of the 
enemy which lay neareft that city. Thefe hap- 
pened to be the Heflians, who lay in three divi- 
fions, the laft only 20 miles diftant from Phila- 
delphia. On the 25th of December, having col- 
lected as confiderable a force as he could, he fet 
out with an intent to furprifc that body of the 
enemy which lay at Trenton. His army was di- 
vided into three bodies j one of which he order- 
ed to crofs the Delaware at Trenton Ferry, a 



OF AMERICA. 329 

ittle below the town ; the lecond at a good dif- 
tiince below, at a place called Bordentoivtiy where 
the fecond divifion of Heffians was placed ; while 
he himfelf, with the third diredling his courfe to 
a ferry fome miles above Trenton, intended to 
have pafTed it at midnight, and attack the Hef- 
ii ans at break of day. But by reafon of various 
impediments, it was eight in the morning before 
he could reach the place of his deftination. The 
enemy, however, did not perceive his approach 
till they were luc'denly attacked. Colonel Ralle 
who commanded them, did all that could be ex- 
pc<5led from a brave and experienced officer ; but 
every thing was in fuch confufion, that no efforts 
of valour or fkill could now retrieve matters. 
The Colonel himfelf was mortally wounded, his 
troops were entirely broken, their artillery feiz- 
ed, and about 1000 taken prifoners. After this 
gallant exploit, General Wafliington again re» 
turned into Pennfylvania. 

This a(flion, though leemingly of no veiy de- 
ciilve nature, was fufficient at that time to turn 
the fortune of war in favour of America. It 
tended greatly to lelTen the apprehenfions which 
the provincials had of the Heffians, at the fame 
time that it equally abated the confidence which 
the Britidi had till now put in theni. 

Reinforcements came in from feveral quarters 
to General Wadiington, {o that he was foon in 
a condition once more to pafs the Delaware, and 
take up his quarters at Trenton •, where he was 
emboldened to maintain his flation, notwithfland- 
ing the accounts that were received of the ene- 
my's rapid advance towards him. Lord Cornwal- 
11?, accordingly, made his appearance in full 

force ; 



SSa GENERAL HISTORY 

force; and, on the evening of his arrival, the 
little town of Trenton contained the two hoftilc 
armies, feparated only by a fmall creek, which 
was fordable in many places. This was, indeed 
the crifis of the American revolution ; and had 
his Lordfhip made an immediate attack, in pur- 
fuance of what is reported to have been the ad- 
vice of Sir William Erfkine, General Wafhing- 
ton's defeat feems to have been inevitable i but a 
night's delay turned the fate cf the war, and 
produced an enterprife, the magnitude and glory 
of which, can only be equalled by its fuccefs. 
General Wa/hington having called a council of 
war, dated the calamitous fituation to which his 
army was reduced ; and having heard the various 
opinions of his officers, finally propofed a cir- 
cuitous march to Princeton, as the means cf 
avoiding, at once, the imputation of a retreat, 
and the danger of a battle, with numbers fo in- 
ferior, and in a fituation fo ineligible. The idea 
was unanimoufly approved •, and as foon as it 
was dark, the neceflary mcafures were taken for 
accompli(hing it. A line of fires was kindled, 
which I'ervcd to give light to the Americans, 
while it obfcured them from the obfervation of 
the enemy j and by a providential interpofition, 
the weather, which had been for fome time palV 
warm, moift, and foggy, fuddenly changed to a 
hard froft ; and in a moment as it were, render- 
ed the road, which had been deep and heavy, 
firm and fmooth as a pavement. At break of day 
General Wafliington arriving near Princeton, 
was difcovered by a party of Britifh troops, con- 
fiding of three regiments under the command of 
Col. Mawhood, who were on their march to 

Trenton. 



OF AMERICA. 331 

Trenton. With thefe the centre of the Ameri- 
cans engaged, and after killing 60, wounding 
many, and taking 300 prifoners, obliged the reft 
to make a precipitate efcape. Tome towards Tren- 
ton, and others in a retrograde route to Brunf- 
wick. The lofs of the Americans was incon/i- 
derable in point of numbers ; but the fall of the 
amiable general Mercer rendered it important. 
The Britifli aftoniflied and difcouraged at the fuc- 
cefs and fpirit of thefe repeated enterprifes, aban- 
doning both Trenton and Princeton, retreated to 
Brunfwick; while the triumphant Americans re- 
tired to Morriftown. General Washington, how- 
ever, omitted no opportunity of recovering what 
had be€a loft ; and by dividing his army into 
fmall parties, which could be reunited on a few 
hours warning, he in a manner entirely covered 
the country with it, and repo/TeflTed himfelf of 
all the important places. 

Thus ended the campaign of 1776, with fcarce 
any other real advantage than the acquifition of 
the city of New-York, and of a few fortreffes in 
its neighbourhood •, where the troops were con- 
ftraincd to a6l with as much circumrpe<5lion as 
if they had been befieged by a victorious army, 
i.nftead of being themfelves the conquerors. 



CHAP. 



332 GENERAL HISTORY 

CHAP. VI. 



Kxcurfions of the BritiJIj from NeiU'l^ork-" Batt/c 
at Bratidywine — Philadelphia taken — Battle at 
Germantonvn — Attack of Mud-lfland — General 
Burgoyjie's Expedition — and Surrender* 



HE army at New- York began in 1777 
to exerciie a kind of predatory war, by fending 
out parties to deflroy magazines, make inciir- 
fions, and take or deftroy fuch forts as lay on 
the banks of rivers, to wliich their great com- 
mand of (hipping gave them accefs. In this they 
were generally fuccefsful : the provincial maga- 
zines at Peek's Hill, a place about 50 miles dif- 
tant from New-York, were deftroyed, the town 
of Danbury in Connecticut burnt, and that of 
Ridgefield in the fame province was taken pof- 
feffion of. In returning from the laft expedition, 
however, the Britifh were greatly harrafled by 
the Americans under Generals Arnold, Woofter, 
and Sullivan ; but they made good their retreat, 
though with the lofs of above 200 killed and 
wounded. On the American fide the lofs was 
confiderabie •, General Woofttr was killed, and 
Arnold in the muft imminent danger. On the 
other hand the Americans dellroyed the ftores at 
Stagg-harbour, in Long Ifland, and made pri- 
foners of all who defended the place. 

As this method of making war, however, could 
anfwer but little purpofe, and favoured more of 
the barbarous incurfions of favages than of a war 

carried 



OF AMERICA. 333 

viirricd on by a civilized people, it was refolved 
to make an attempt on Philadelphia. At fir ft it 
was thought that this could be done through the 
Jerfeys ; but the cruelties exercifcd by the Britifh 
plundering parties had excited fo general an ab- 
horrence, and General Wa(hington had received 
fuch large reinforcements, and pofted himfelf fo 
ftrongly, that it was found to be impraflicable.' 
Many flratagems were ufed to draw him from 
his ftrong fituation, but without fuccefs ; fo that 
it was found necefTary to make the attempt on 
Philadelphia by Tea. While the preparations ne- 
ceflary for this expedition were going forward, 
the Americans found means to make amends for 
the c<<prure of General Lee by that of General 
Prefcott, who was feized in his quarters with his 
aid de camp, in much the fame manner as Gene- 
ral Lee had been. This was exceedingly morti- 
fying to the General himfelf, as he had not long 
before fet a price upon General Arnold, by offer- 
ing a Turn of money to any one that apprehended 
liim ; which the latter anfwered by fetting a 
lower price upon General Prefcot. 

The month of July was far advanced before 
the preparations for the expedition again ft Phila- 
delphia were completed ; and it was the 23d be- 
fore the fleet was able to fail from Sandy Hook. 
The force employed in this expedition confifted 
of 36 battalions oi Britifh and Heflians, a regi- 
gimentof light horfe, and a body of loyalifts 
raifed at New York. The remainder of ihefe, 
with 17 battalions, and another body of light 
horfe, were ftationtd at New-York under Sir 
Henry Cinton. Seven battalions were ftationed 

at 
F f 



331 GENERAL HISTORY 

at Rhode Ifland. After a week's failing they ar- 
rived at the mouth of the Delaware; but there 
having received certain intelligence, that the na- 
vigation of the river was fo effedually obilru<5led, 
that no poflibility of forcing a pafKige remained ; 
or more probably that Gen. Wadiington had 
marched within a fhort diflance of Philadelphia ; 
it was refolved to proceed further fouthward to 
Cbefapeak Bay in Maryland, from whence the 
diflance to Philadelphia was not very great, and 
where the provincial army would find lefs ad- 
vantage from the nature of the country than in 
the Jerfeys. 

The navigation from Delaware to Chefapeak 
took up the beft part of the month of AuguIV, and 
that up the bay itfeif was extremely difficult and 
tedious. At laft, having failed up the river Elk, 
as far as was praiflicable, the troops were landed 
without oppofition, and fet forward on their in- 
tended expedition. On the news of their arrival 
at Chefapeak, General WaQiington left the Jer- 
fey's and haflcned to the relief of Philadelphia ; 
and in the beginning of September met the royal 
army at Brandy-Wine Creek about mid-way, be- 
tween the head of the Elk and Philadelphia. 
Here he adhered to his former method of (liir- 
mifhing and harrafling the royal army on its 
march; but as this proved infuificient to flop its 
progrefs, he retired to that fidt of the creek next 
to Philadelphia, with an intent to difpute the paf- 
fage. This brought on a general engagement on 
the llth of September. The royal army ad- 
vanced at break of day in two columns, com- 
manded by lieutenant-general Knyphaufen, and 
by lord Cornwallis. The firfl: took the diredl 

road 



OF AMERICA. 33x5 

road to Chadd*s Ford, and made a (hew of paf- 
fing it, in front of the main body of the Ameri- 
cans. At the (lune time the other column moved 
up on the weft fide of the Brandy-Wine to its 
fork, and crofTed both its branches about two 
o'clock in the afternoon, and then marched down 
on the eafl fide thereof, with the view of turning 
the right wing of their adverfaries. 

This they effe(fl:ed and compelled them to re- 
treat with great lofs. General Knyphaufen amuf- 
ed the i\mericar;s with the appearance of croffing 
the ford, but did not attempt it until lord Corn- 
wallis having crofTed it above and moved down 
on the oppofite fide, had commenced his attack. 
Knyphaufen then crofted the ford, and attack- 
ed the troops poftcd for its defence. Theie, 
after a fevere confllft, were compelled to give 
way. The retreat of the Americans became ge- 
neral, and was continued to Chefter, under 
cover of general Weeden's brigade, which came 
off" in good order. The final iftiie of battles of- 
ten depends on fmall circumftances, which hu- 
man prudence cannot control — one of thefe occur- 
red here, and prevented general Waftiington from 
executing a bold defign, to efFe6l which, his 
troops were a6^ually in motion. This was to 
have crofted the Br;>.ndy-Wine, and attack Knyp- 
haufen, while gen. Sullivan and Lord Stirling, 
ftiould keep earl Cornwallis in check. In the 
raoft critical moment. General Waftiington re- 
ceived intelligence which he was obliged to cre- 
dit, that the coium.n of Lord Cornwallis^had been 
only making a feint, and was returniag to join 
Knyphaufen. This prevented the execution of a 
plan, which, if carried into eftedf, would proba- 
bly 



2o6 GENERAL HISTORY 

biy have given a different turn to the events of 
the day. The killed and wounded in the royal 
army, were near fix hundred. The lofs of the 
Americans was twi^e that number. The cele- 
brated Marquis de la Fayette firft bled here in 
the cauie of liberty, which he had efpoufed with 
enthufiaftic ardour, his wound was flight, but 
it endeared him to the Americans. 

The lofs of this battle proved alfo the lofs of 
Philadelphia. General Wafliington retired to- 
wards Lancafler, to fave the ftores which had 
been depofited at Reading. But though he could 
not prevent the iols of Philadelphia, he flill ad- 
hered to his original plan of diflreiTmg the royal 
party, by laying ombufiies and cutting off detach- 
ed parties ; but in this he was lefs fuccefbful than 
formerly; and one of his own detachmc.ns which 
lay in ambufh in a wood were themfelves fur- 
priled and entirely defeated, with the lofs of 
about 300 killed and wounded, befides 70 or 80 
taken, and all their arms and baggage. 

General Howe now perceiving that the Ameri- 
cans would not venture another battle even for 
the fake of their capital, took peaceable poffef- 
ilon of it on the 26th of September. His firft 
care was then to cut off by means of ftrong bat- 
teries, the communication between the upper and 
lower parts of the river ; which was executed, 
notwithftandlng the oppofition of fome American 
armed veffels -, one of which; carrying 36 guns 
was taken. His next tafk was to open a com- 
rriunication with it by fea ; and this was a work 
of no fmail difficulty. A vafl: number of batte- 
ries and forts had beeneredfed, and immenfe ma- 
chines formed like chevaux defrife, from whence 

they 



OF AMERICA. 337 

they took their name, funk in tiie river to pre- 
vent its navigation. As the fleet was fent round 
to the mouth of the river in order to co-operate 
with the army, this work, however difficult, was 
accompli (bed ; nor did the provincials give much 
oppoiition, as well knowing that all places of 
this kind were now untenable. General Vi'aih» 
ington, however, took the advantage of ihe royal 
army being divided to attack the camp of the 
principal divifion of it that lay at Germantown, 
in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this 
he met with very little fucctfs ; for though he 
rc-'ached the place of deftination by three oYlock 
in the morning, the pAtroles had time to call tiie 
troops to arms. The Americans, notwithlhind- 
ing made a very rcfoiute attack; but they were 
received with fo niucl> bravery, that they were 
compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in 
great diforderj with the advantage, however, of 
carrying oiF their cannon, though purfued for a 
confiderable way, after having upwards of 200 
•killed, and about 500 wounded, and upwards of 
400 taken prifoners, among whom were 54 offi- 
cers. On the Britifh fide, the lofs amounted to 
430 wounded and prifoners, and 70 killed, but 
among the laft were General Agnew and colonel 
Bird, v/ith (oaiQ other excellent oflicers. 

The Britifli were well apprized, that without 
the command of the Del.^ware, their pofFeffion of 
Philadelphia would be of no advantage. They 
therefore drained every nerve to open the navi- 
gation of that river, — to this end Lord Howe 
had early taken the mod effetflual meafures for 
condu<5^ing the fleet and tranfports round from 

the 
¥ f ^ 



338 GENERAL HISTORY ^ 

the Chefapeak to the Delaware, and drew them 
up on the Pennfylvania fhore, from Reed5'-inand 
to New-Caftlc. Early in 0(5tober, a detachment 
from the Britifli army crofTed the Delaware, with 
a view of didodging the Americans from Billingf- 
port. On their approach, the place was evacu- 
ated. As the feafon advanced more vigorous 
mcafnres for removing the obftru6tions were con- 
certed between the general and the admiral. Bat- 
teries were erecfled on the Pennfylvania fhore to 
afTiCl in diflodging the Americans from Mud- 
Illand. At the iame time Count Donop with 
2000 men having croflTed into New-Jerfey, op- 
pofite to Philadelphia, marched down on the 
eaftern fide of the Delaware, to attack the re- 
doubt at Red-Bank. This was defended by about 
400 men under the command of colonel Green. 
The attack immediately commenced by a fmart 
cannonade, under cover of which the Count ad- 
vanced to the redoubt. This place was intended 
for a much larger garrifon than was then in it. 
It had , therefore become necefTary to run a line 
in the middle thereof, and one part of it was 
evacuated. That part was eafily carried by the 
affailants on which they indulged in loud huzzas 
for their fuppoftd victory. The garrifon kept 
up a fevere well direfVed fire on the afT'ilants by 
which they were compelled to retire. They fuf- 
fered not only in the afTault, but in the approach 
to, and retreat from the fort. Their whole lofs 
in killed and wounded was about 400. Count 
Donop was mortally wounded and taken prifon- 
cr. Congrels refolved to prefent colonel Green 
with a fword for his good conducft on this occa- 
fion. An attack made about the fame time on 

fort 



OF AMERICA. 339 

fort MifBin by men of war and frigates, was not 
more fuccefsful than the aOliult on Red-Bank. 
The Augufta man of war of 64' gnns, and the 
Merhn, two of the verTels which were engaged 
in it, got aground. The former was fired and 
blew up. The latter was evacuated. 

Though the firft attempts of the Britidi, for 
opening the navigation of the Delaware, were 
unfuccefsfu), they carried their point in another 
way that was unexpe61ed. The chevaux de frife, 
having been funl: fome confiderable time, the 
current of the water was diverted by this great 
bulk into new channels. In confequence there- 
of the pafTige between the iflands and the Penn* 
fylvania (here was fo deepened as to admit vefTels 
of fome confiderable draught of water. Through 
this pafTage, the Vigilant, a large (hip, cut down 
fo as to draw but little water, mounted with 24 
pounders, made her way to a pofition from which 
file might enfilade the works on Mud-Illand. 
This gave the Britifh fuch an advantage, that the 
pod was no longer tenable. Colonel Smith, 
who had with great gallantry defended the fort 
from the latter end of September, to the 1 1th of 
November, being wounded, was removed to the 
main. Within five days after his removal, major 
Thayer, who as a volunteer had nobly offered 
to take charge of this dangerous poft, was oblig- 
ed to evacuate it. 

This event did not take place till the works 
were entirely beat down — every piece of cannon 
difmounted, and one of the Britilh fhips ib near 
that llie threw grenadoes into the fort, and killed 
the men uncovered in the platform. The troops 
who had {o bravely defended fort Mifflinj made 



S40 GENERAL HISTORY 

a fafe retreat to Red-Bank. Congrefs voted 
fwords to be given to lieutenant colonel Smith 
and Commodore Hazlewood, for their gallant 
defence of the Delaware. Within three days 
after Mud-Ifland was evacuated, the garrifon 
was alfo withdrawn from Red-Bank, on the ap- 
proach pf lord Cornwallis, at the head of a large 
force prepared to afpault it. Some of the Ame- 
rican gallies and armed vclTels efcaped by k<:ep- 
ing clofe in with the J'^rfey fliore, to places of 
fecurity above Philadelphia, but 17 of them 
were abandoned by their crews, and fired. Thus 
the Britifh gained a free communication between 
their army and Hiipping. This event was to 
them very defirable. They had been previoufly 
obliged to draw their provilions from CheUer, 
a diflance of fixteen miles, at fome rifque, and 
a certain great expenlb. The long proira(fl:ed 
defence of the Delaware, deranged the plans of 
the Britilfi, for the remainder of the campaign, 
and confequently {aved the adjacent country. 

Thus the campaign of 1777 in PennJyivania, 
concluded, upon the whole fuccefsfuliy on the 
part of the Britifh. In the north, however, mat- 
ters wore a different afpcct. The expedition in 
that quarter had been proje(51ed by the Britifh 
miniftry as the moft efFe<ftual method that could 
be taken to crudi the colonies at once. The 
four provinces of New-England had originally 
begun the confederacy againil Britain, and were 
i\\\\ confidered as the moft adivc in the continu- 
ation of it ; and it was thought, that any impref- 
fion made upon them, would contribute in an 
effe<flual manner to the reduftion of all tlie refb. 
For this purpofc, an army of iOOO chofen Bri- 
tifh 



OF AMERICA. S41 

tllli troops and 3000 Germans were put under 
the command of General Burgoync ; General 
Carleton was dire<fled to ufe his intereft with the 
Indians to perfuade them to join in this expedi- 
tion ; and the province of Quebec was to furnifh 
large parties to join in the lame. The officers 
who commanded under General Burgoyne were, 
General Philips of the artillery, Generals Frafer, 
Powell, and Hamilton, with the German officers 
General Rcidefel and vSpeecht. The foldiers, as 
has already ^een obferved, were all excellently 
difciplined, and had been kept in their wint:r- 
quirters with all imaginable care, in order to 
prepare them for the expedition on which they 
were going. To aid the principal expedition, 
anorher was proje(5led on the Mohawk River 
under colonel St. Leger, who was to be affirted 
by Sir John Johnfop, fon to the famous Sir Wil- 
liam Johnfon who had {o greatly dilHnguifhed 
himfelf in the war of 1755. 

On the 2lft of June 1777,' the army encamped 
on the weftern fide o^ the lake Champlain ; where 
being joined by a eonfjderabie body of Indians, 
General Burgoyne made a fpeech, in which it U 
jaid he exhorted thefe new allies, but ineflttflual- 
]y, to lay afide their ferocious and barbarous 
manner of making war ; to kill only fuch as op- 
pofed them in arms •, and to fpare priloncrs, with 
i'lRh women and children as fliould fall into their 
haiiJ;?. After iflliing a proclamation, in which 
the force of Bi Irain, and that which he command- 
ed, was fet forth in very ofientatit-jus term?, the 
campaign opened with the fiege t)f Ticonderoga. 
The place was very flrong, and garrifoned by 
6000 men under General St. Clairj neverthelefs, 

the 



342 GENERAL HISTORY 

the works were fo extenfive, that even this num- 
ber was fcarcefufficient to defend them properly. 
They had therefore omitted to fortify a rugged 
eminence called Sugar-Hilly the top of which 
overlooked and efFeftuaily commanded the whole 
works ; imagining, perhaps, that the difficulty 
of the afcent would be fufficient to prevent the 
enemy from taking pofTcffion of it. On the ap- 
proach of the firft divifion of the army, the pro- 
vincials abandoned and fet fire to their outworks; 
and fo expeditious were the Rritifli troops, that 
by the 5th of July every pof^ was fecured which 
was judged nece/Tary for invefting it completely. 
A road was foon after made to the very iummit 
of that eminence which the Americans had fnp- 
pofcd could not be afcended ; and {o much were 
they now difheartened, that they inftantly aban- 
doned the fort entirely, taking the road to Ske- 
nefborough, a place to tlie ibuth of Lake George j 
while their baggage, with what artillery and mi- 
litary ftores they could carry off, were fent to 
the fame place by water. But the Britifn gene- 
rals were determined not to let them pafs fo eafi- 
ly. Both were purfued and both overtaken. 
Their armed vefrds confifted only of five galleys; 
two of which were taken, and three blown up ; 
on which they fet fire to their boats and fortifi- 
cations at Skenefborough. On this occafion the 
provincials loft 200 boats, 130 pieces of cannon, 
with ail their provifions and baggage. Their 
land-forces under Colonel Francis made a brave 
defence againll General Frafer j and fuperior in 
11 amber, had almoll overpowered him, when 
General Reidefel with a large body of Germans 
came to his afTiftance. The provincials were now 

overpowered 



OF AMERICA. S43 

overpowered in their turn -, and their command- 
er being killed, they fled on all fides with great 
precipitation. In this aflion 200 Americans were 
killed, as many taken priibners, and above 600 
wounded, many of whom perifhed in the woods 
for want of affiftance. 

During the engagement General St. Clair was 
at Caftleton, about fix miles from the place •, but 
inftead of going forward to Fort Anne, the next 
place of flrength, he repaired to the woods, 
which lie between that fortrefs and New-Eng- 
land. General Burgoyne, however, detached 
Colonel Hill with the ninth regiment, in order to 
intercept fuch as fliould attempt to retreat to- 
wards Fort Anne. On his way he met with a 
body of the Americans more numerous than his 
«wn J but after an engagement of three hours, 
they were obliged to retire with great lofs. After 
Co many difafters, defpairing of being able to 
make any fiand at Fort Anne, they fet fire to it 
and retired to Fort Edward. In all thefe en- 
gagements the lofs of killed and wounded in the 
royal army did not exceed 200 men. 

General Burgoyne was now obliged to fufpend 
his operations for fome time, and wait at Skenef- 
borough for the arrival of his tents, provifions, 
&c. but employed this interval in making roads 
through the country about fort Anne,and in clear- 
ing a pafiage for his troops to proceed againfl: 
the Americans. This was attended with incre- 
dible toil ; but all obftacles were furmounted 
with equal patience and refolution by the army. 
In (borr, after undergoing the utmoll: difficulty 
and making every exertion, he arrived with his 
army before Fort Edward about the end of July, 

Here 



344. GTiNERAL HISTORY 

Here General Schuyler had been for fome time 
endeavouring to recruit the [hdVQrad American 
forces, and had been joined by General Sr. Clair 
with the remains of his army -, the; garrifon of 
Fort George alfo, fitunted on ihe lake of that 
name, had evacuated the place and retired to 
Fort Edward. 

But on the approach of the royal army, they 
retired from thence alfo, and formed their head- 
quarters at Saratoga. Notwitbltanding the great 
fuccefs of the Britifh general, they ihewcd not 
the lead difpofition to. I'ubmit, but ieemed only 
to confider how they might make the moft ef- 
fe<5lual refinance. Fcr this purpofe, the militia 
was every where raifcd and draughted to join 
the army at Saratoga ; and fuch numbers of vo- 
lunteers were daily added that they loon begatt 
to recover from the alarm into which they had 
been thrown. That they might have a com- 
mander whofe abilities could be relied on, Ge- 
neral Arnoid was appointed, who repaired to 
Saratoga with a confiderr.ble train of artillery; 
but receivmg intelligence that Colonel St. Leger 
was proceedin^^ with great rapidity in his expe- 
dition-on the Muhawk River, he removed to Still 
water, a place about half-way between Sirarog=i, 
and the jun(^tion of the Mohawk and Hudfoa's 
River. i'he Colonel, in the mean time had ad- 
vanced as far as Fori Stanwix*, the fiege of which 
he preflTed with great vigour. On the 6 h of 
Augnfl, underffanding that a Ilipply of provifions, 
cfcorted by 800 or 900 men, was on the way to 
the fort, he defpatched Sir John Johnfon with a 
ftrong detachment to intercept it. This he did lo 
efFe(5fually, that, befides intercepting the provi- 

fions. 



OF AMERICA. U5 

fions, 400 of its guards were flain, 200 taken, 
and the reft efcaped with great difficulty. The 
garrifon, however, were not to be intimidated 
by the threats or repreientations of the colonel : 
on the contrary, they made fevcral fuccefsful fai- 
lles under Colonel Willet, the fecond in com- 
niand ; and this gentleman, in company with 
another, even ventured out of the fort, and, 
eluding the vigilance of the enemy, pafTed through 
them in order to haften the march of General 
Arnold to their afTiftance. 

Thus the affairs of Colonel St. Leger feemed 
to be in no very favourable fit nation notwith- 
flanding his late fuccefs, and they were foon to- 
tally ruined by the defertion of the Indians. They 
had been alarmed by the report of General Ar- 
nold's advancing with 2000 men to the relief of 
the fort ; and while the Colonel was attempting 
to give them encouragement, another report was 
fpread, that General Burgoyne had been defeat- 
ed with' great (laughter, and was now flying be- 
fore the provincials. On this he was obliged to 
do as they thought proper ; and the retreat could 
not be effeifted without the lofs of the tents, the 
artillery and military ftores. 

General Burgoyne, in the mean time, notwith- 
ftanding all the difficulties he had already fuffain- 
ed, found that he mufl ftill encounter more. The 
roads he had made with fo much labour and pains 
were deftroyed, either by the wetnefs of the fea- 
ibn or by the Americans ; fo that the provifions 
he brought from Fort George could not arrive 
at his camp without the moft prodigious toil. On 
hearing of the fiege of Fort Stanwix by Colonel 

St. Leger, 
^ g 



346 GENERAL HISTORY 

St. Leger, he determined to move forward, ia 
hopes ot inclofing the enemy betwixt his owq 
army and that of St. Leger, or of obtaining the 
command of all the country between Fort Staa- 
wix and Albany : or, at any rate, a jun6lion with 
Colonel St. Leger would be effefted, which could 
not but be attended with the moft happy confe- 
quences. The only difficuhy was the want of 
provifions ; and this it was propofed to remedy 
by reducing the provincial magazines at Benning- 
ton. For this purpofe. Colonel Baum, a Ger- 
man officer of great bravery, was cholen with a 
body of 500 men. This place was about 20 
miles from Hudfon*s River ; and to fupport 
Colonel Baum*s party, the whole army marched 
up the river's bank, and encamped almoft oppo- 
fite to Saratoga, with the river betwixt it and 
the place. An advanced party was pofted at Bat- 
ten Kill, between the camp and Bennington, in 
order to fupport Colonel Baum. In their way 
the Britifh feized a large fupply of cattle and 
provifions, which were immediately fent to the 
camp ; but the badnefs of the roads retarded 
their march fo much, that intelligence ot their 
dcfign was fent to Bennington. Underfianding 
now that the American force was greatly fupe- 
rior to his own, the Colonel acquainted the Ge- 
neral who immediately defpatched Colonel Brey- 
man with a party to his affiftance ; but through 
the fame caufes that had retarded the march of 
Colonel Baum, this affiftance could not arrive in 
time. General Starke who commanded the Ame- 
rican militia at Bennington, engaged with them 
before the junftion of the royal detachments 
could be effefted. On this occafion about 800 

oadifciprmed 



OF AMERICA. 34.7 

iindifciplined militia, without bayonets, or a fin- 
gle piece of artillery, attacked and routed 500 
regular troops advantageoufly polled behind en- 
trenchments — furni{hed with the beft arms, and 
defended with two pieces of artillery. The field 
pieces were taken from the party commanded by 
Col. Baum, and the greatell part of his detach- 
ment was either killed or captured. Colonel 
Breyman arrived on the fame ground and on the 
iame day, but not till the a<flion was over. In- 
ftead of meeting his friends as he expedled, he 
found himfelf brifkly attacked. This was begun 
by colonel Warner, (who with his continental 
regiment, which having been fent for from Man- 
cheAer, came opportunely at this time) and was 
well fupported by Stark*s militia, which had juft 
defeated the party commanded by colonel Baum. 
Breyman*s troops, though fatigued with their 
preceding march, behaved with great refolution, 
but were at length compelled to abandon their 
artillery and retreat. In thefe two actions the 
Americans took four brafs field pieces, twelve 
brafs drums, 250 dragoon fwords, 4. ammunition 
waggons, and about 700 prifoners. The lofs of 
the Americans, inclufive of their wounded, was 
about 100 men. 

General Burgoyne, thus difappointed in his at- 
tempt on Bennington, applied himfelf with inde> 
fatigable diligence to procure provifions from 
Fort George ; and having at length amaflfed a 
fufficient quantity 'to laft for a month, he threw 
a bridge of boats over the river Hudfon, which 
he crofled about the middle of September, en- 
camping on the hills and plains near Saratoga, 
As foon as he approached the provincial army, 

at 



^3^8 GENERAL HISTORY 

at this time encamped at Stillwater under Gene- 
ral Gates, he determined to make an attack -, for 
which purpofe he put himfelf at the head of the 
central divifion of his army, having General Fra- 
ier and Colonel Breyman on the right, with Ge- 
nerals Reidefel and Philips on the left. In this 
pofitioh he advanced on the 19rh of September. 
But the Americans did not now wait to be at- 
tacked : on the contrary they attacked the cen- 
tral divifion with the utmoft violence ; and it was 
not until General Philips with the artillery came 
up, and at eleven o'clock at night, that they could 
be induced to retire to their camp. On this oc- 
cafion, the Britirti troops loft about 500 in killed 
and wounded, and the Americans about 319, 
The former were very much alarmed at the ob- 
ftinate refolution fliown by the Americans, but 
this did not prevent them from advancing, and 
porting themfelves the next day within cannon- 
Ihot of their lines. But their allies the Indians 
began to defert in great numbers ; and at the 
fame time the general was in the higheft degree 
mortified by having no intelligence of any affift- 
ance from Sir Henry Clinton, as had been ftipu- 
lated. He now received a letter from him by 
which he was informed that Sir H. intended to 
make a cV'.verlion on the North River in his fa- 
vour. This afforded but little comfort : how- 
ever, he returned an anfwer by fcveral tr ufty per- 
fons whom he uefpatched different ways. Hating 
his preient dilireffed fitUiition, and mentioning 
that the provifionb and other neceflliries he had 
would only enable him to hold out until the 12ih 
of OaobcT. 

In 



OF AMERICA. Si^S 

la the mean time the Americans, in order to 
cut off the retreat of the Britifh army in the mofi: 
efFedlual manner, undertook an expedition againft 
Ticonderogaj but were obliged to abandon the 
enterprife after having furprifed all the out-pofts, 
and taken a great number of boats with fome 
armed vefTels, and a number of prifoners. The 
army under general Burgoyne, however, conti- 
nued to labour under the greateft diffrelTes : fo 
that in the beginning of Ocftober he had been 
obliged to diminidi the foldiers allowance. On 
the 7th of that month he determined to move to- 
v/ards the enemy. For this purpofe he fent a 
body of 1500 men to reconnoitre their left wingj 
intending, if pofTibie, to break through it in or- 
der to effe6t a retreat. The detachment, how- 
ever, had not proceeded far when a fpirited at- 
tack was made on the left wing of the Britifii ar- 
my, which was with great difficulty preferved 
from being entirely broken by a reinforcement 
brought up by general Frafer, who was killed in 
the attack. After the troops had with the mod 
defperate efforts regained their camp, it was moil 
vigorouUy afTaulred by General Arnold; who, 
notwithllanding ail oppofition, would have forc- 
ed the entrenchments, had he not received a dan- 
gerous wound, which obliged him to retire. 
Thus the attack failed on the left, but on the 
right the camp of the German referve was forced. 
Colonel Breyman killed, and his countrymen de- 
feated with great flaughter, and the lofs of all 
their artillery and baggage. 

This was by far the heavieft lofs the Britifh 
army had fuftained (ince the action at Bunker's 
Hill. The lift of killed and wounded amounted 

to 
G g2 



^50 GENERAL HISTORY 

to near 1200, exclufive of the Germans ; but the 
greateft misfortune was, that the Americans had 
now an opening on the right and rear of the Bri- 
ti(h forces, fo that the army was threatened with 
entire deflruffion. This obliged General Bur- 
goync once more to ihift his pofition, that the 
Americans might alfo be obliged to alter theirs. 
This was accompUfhed on the night of the 7th, 
without any lofs, and all the next day he conti- 
nued to offer the Americans battle j but they 
were now too well affured of obtaining a com- 
plete viftory, by cutting off all fupplies from the 
Britifh, to rifk a pitched battle. Wherefore they* 
advanced on the right fide, in order to indole 
him entirely •, which obliged the General to di- 
rect a retreat towards Saratoga. But the Ame- 
ricans had now ftationed a great force on the ford 
at Hudfon's river, fo that the only poiTibility of 
retreat was by fecuring a pafTage to Lake Georgej 
and to effefl this, a body of workmen were de- 
tached with a ftrong guard, to repair the roads 
and bridges that led to Fort Edward. As foon 
as they were gone, however, the Americans, 
Teemed to prepare for an attack : which rendered 
it neceffary to recal the guard, and the workmen 
being ot courfe left expofed, could not proceed. 
In the mean time, the boats which conveyed 
provifions down Hudfon's river were expofed to 
the continual fire of the American markfmen, 
who took many of them; fo that it became necef- 
fary to convey the provifions over land. In this 
extreme danger, it was refolved to march by 
night to Fort Edward, forcing the paffages at 
the fords either above or below the place ; and, 
\n order to effeft this more eafily, it was refolved 

that 



OF AMERICA. 351 

that the foldlers {honld carry their provifions oq 
their backs, leaving behind their baggage and 
every other incumbrance. But before this could 
be executed, intelligence was received that the 
Americans had raifed ftrong entrenchments op^ 
pofite thefe fords, well provided with cannon, 
and that they had likewife taken pofTeflion of the 
rifing ground between Fort George and Fort 
Edward, which in like manner was provided 
with cannon. 

All this time the American army was increafing 
by the continual arrival of militia and volunteers 
from all parts. Their parties extended all along 
the oppofite bank of Hudfon's River, and fome 
had even pafTed it in order to obferve the leaft 
movement of the Britifli army. Every part of 
the Britifh camp was reached by the grape and 
rifle-fhot of the Americans, befides a difcharge 
from their artillery, which was almoR incefTant. 
In this ftate of extreme diArefs and danger, the 
army continued with the greatefl conftancy and 
pcrfeverauce till the evening of the 13th of Oc- 
tober, when an inventory of provifions being 
taken, it was found that no more remained thaa 
what were fufficient to ferve for three days ; and 
a council of war being called, it was unanimoufly 
determined that there was no method now re- 
maining but to treat with the Americans. In 
confequence of this a negociation was opened 
next day, which fpeedily terminated in a capitu- 
lation of the whole Britilh army ; the articks of 
which were, 1. The troops under lieut. general 
Burgoyne, to march out of their camp with the 
honours of war, and the artillery of the intrench- 
ments to the verge of the river where the old 

for^ 



352 GENERAL HISTORY 

fort flood, where the arms and artillery are to 
be left. — The arms to be piled by word of com- 
mand from their own officers : — 2, A free paffage 
to be granted to the army under lieut. gen. Bur- 
goyne to Great-Britain, upon condition of not 
ferving again in North- America during the pre- 
fent conteft; and the port of Bofton to be align- 
ed for the entry of tranfports, to receive the 
troops whenever General Howe ihall fo order : — 
3. Should any cartel take place, by which the 
army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne, or any part of 
it, may be exchanged, the foregoing article to be 
void, as far as fuch exchange fhould be made : — 
4 .The army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne to march 
to Maffachufetts-Bay, by the eafieft, and mofl 
expeditious and convenient route *, and to be 
quartered in, near, or as convenient as poffible 
to Bofton, that the march of the troops may not 
be delayed when tranfports arrive to receive 
them •, — ^Thc troops to be Ibpplied on their march, 
and during their being in quarters, with provi- 
fions, by major-general Gate's orders, at the 
fame rate of rations as the troops of his own ar- 
my ', and, if poffible, the officer's horfes and cat- 
tle are to be fupplied with forage at the ufual 
rates:— 6. All the officers to retain their carriages, 
pack-horfes and other cattle, and no baggage to 
be molefted or learched ; lieut. gen. Burgoyne 
giving his honour, that there are no public flores 
contained therein. Maj. gen. Gates will of courfe 
take the neceflary meafures for the due perform- 
ance of this article : fhould any carriages be want- 
ed during the march, for the tranfportation of 
officers baggage, they are, if poffible, to be fup- 
plied by the country at the ufual rates : — 7. Upon 

the 



OF AMERICA. S5S 

the march, and during the time the army {hall 
remain in quarters, in the MafTachufetts-Bay, the 
officers are not, as far as circumftances will ad- 
mit, to be feparated from their men. — The offi- 
cers are to be quartered according to their rank, 
and are not to be hindered for their afTembling 
their men for roll-callings, and other neceffary 
purpofes of regularity: — 8. AH corps whatever 
of lieutenant general Burgoyne's ai my, whether 
compofed of failors, batteau-men, artificers, driv- 
ers, independent companies, and followers of 
the army, of whatever country, (hall be included 
in the fulleft fenfe and utmoft extent of the above 
articles, and comprehended in every refpeft as 
Briti(h fubje<51:s : — 9. All Canadians, and perfons 
belonging to the Canadian eftablifhment, confin- 
ing of failors, battcau-men, artificers, drivers, 
independent companies, and many other follow- 
ers of the army, who come under no particular 
defcription, are to be permitted to return there : 
they are to be condu6>ed immediately, by the 
Ihorteft route, to the firfl Britifh port on Lake 
George, are to be fupplied with provifions in the 
fame manner as the other troops, and to be bound 
by the lame condition of not ferving during the 
prefent contcll: in North America : — 10 PaiT- 
porrs to be immediately granted for three officers, 
not exceeding the rank of captains, who fiiall be 
apptiinred by lieut. gen. Bnrgoyne, to carry def- 
patches to Sir Wm. Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, 
and to Great-Britain by the way of New Y jrk; 
and major general Gates engages the public faith, 
that thefe defpatches iliall not be opened. Thefe 
offic'-Ts are to fet out immediately after receiving 
their defpatches, and are to travel by the fhorteft 

route. 



S54 GENERAL HISTORY 

iroute, and in the moft expeditious manner : — 
11. During the ftay of the troops in the MafTa- 
chufetts-Bay, the officers are to be admitted on 
parole, and are to be permitted to wear their fide 
arms: — 12. Should the army under lieut. gen. 
Burgoyne, find it necefTary to fend for their 
clothing and other baggage from Canada, they 
are to be permitted to do it in the moft conve- 
nient manner, and necefTary paflTports to be grant- 
ed for that purpofe : — 13. Thefe articles are to 
be mutually figncd and exchanged to-morrow 
morning at nine o'clock; and the troops under 
lieut. gen. Burgoyne, are to march out of their 
intrench ments at three o*clock in the afternoon. 
Camp at Saratoga, Odlober 16, 1777. 

HORATIO GATES, Major-General. 

To prevent any doubts that might arife from 
lieut. gen. Burgoyne*s name not being mentioned 
in the above treaty, major general Gates hereby 
declares, that he is underftood to be comprehend- 
ed in it, as fully as if his name had been fpecifH 
cally mentioned. 

HORATIO GATES. 

Such was the Impatience of fomeof the militia 
to return home before the royal army had been 
brought to furrender, and fo little iheir concern 
to be lpe(^ators of the event, that one of the 
Northampton regiments went off the day before 
the flag came out from Burgoyne. Another re- 
giment took itfelf away while the treaty was in 
agitation. But the fate of the army will confirm 
the truth of what its commander wrote to lord 

George 



OF AMERICA. 355 

George Germain, Auguft the 20th, " the great 
bulk of the country is undoubtedly with the con- 
grefs in principle and zeal." When after the 
convention the officers went into the American 
camp, they were furprifed *, and fome of them 
faid, that of all the camps they had ever feen in 
Germany, or ellewhere, they never faw any bet- 
ter diff ofed and fecured. 

The return figned by gen. Burgoyne, of the 
foreigners at the time of the convention, amount- 
ed to 2412. The Briiilh confifted, according to 
him, of 10 officers prefent — 145 commiflioned — 
the ftafF26 — fergeant; and drummers 297 — rank 
and file 2901— in all 3379 } this added to the 
Germans, makes 5791. The American account, 
to fhow what was the fum total of the royal army 
ailing in the northern department again ft the 
country, goes on to reckon, the Tick taken 928 — 
the wounded 528 — prifoners of war before the 
convention 400 — deierters 300 — loft at Benning- 
ton 1220 — killed between the 17th of September 
and the 18th of Oftober 600 — taken at Ticon- 
derago 413 — killed in gen. Herkimer's battle 
about 300 — making in all 4689. According to 
this way of reckoning, the royal force was 10480. 
It was probably full 10,000 ftrong, including 
Canadians and provincials, and exclufive of In- 
dians, drivers, futlers, &c. Among the prifon- 
ers taken were fix members of parliament. 

The train of brafs artillery was a fine acquifi- 
tlon J it confifted of 2 twenty-four pounders — 4 
twelves — 20 fixes — 6 threes — 2 eight inch how- 
itzers — 5 five and a half royal ditto— and three 
five and a half inch royal mortars — in nil, 42 
pieces of ordnance. There were alfo 4647 muf^ 

kcts 



'^56 GENERAL HISTORY 

kcts — 6000 dozen of cartridges, befides (hot, car- 
cafles, cafes, fhells, &c. 

Burgoyne was defirous of a general return of 
the army commanded by Gates at the time of the 
convention. The latter linderftood him, and was 
careful not to leflen the return by fuppreffing a 
fingle man. The continerrtals, all ranks includ- 
ed, were 9093 -, the militia 41 29, in all 13222 •, 
but of ihe former, the fick and on furlough were 
2103 ; and of the latter, 562. The number of 
the militia was continually varying; and many 
of them were at a confiderable diftance from the 
camp. 

Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, had fail- 
ed up the North River, and deftrcyed the two 
forts called Montgomery and CUnton, with Fort 
Conftitution, and another place called Continent- 
al Village, where were barracks for 2000 men. 
Seventy large cannon were carried away, befides 
a number of fmaller artillery, and a great quan- 
tity of ftores and ammunition ; a large boom and 
chain reaching acrofs the river from Fort Mont- 
gomery to a point of land called St. Anthony's 
Note, and which coft not lefs than feventy thou- 
fand pounds (lerling, were partly deftroycd and 
partly carried away, as was alfo, another boom 
of little lefs value at Fort Conllitution. The lofs 
of the Britifli army was but fmall in number, 
though fome officers of great merit were killed 
in the different attacks. '^ 

Another attack was made by Sir James Wal- 
lace with fome frigates, and a body of land forces 
under General Vaughan. The place which now 
fuffered was named Efopus : the fortifications 
were deftroyed, and the town itfelf was wanton- 



eF AMERICA. 35*7 

ly reduced to aflies, as that called Continental 
Village had been before. Thus the Britifii ar- 
mament fpent their time in wafting the adjacent 
countr}^, when by pufhing forward 136 miles 
in fix days they might have efFe(5lually relieved 
Burgoyne. 

But thefe fucce/Tes, of whatever importance 
they might be, were now difregarded by both 
parties. They ferved only to irritate the Ame- 
ricans, flu (bed with their faccefs ; and they were 
utterly infufficient to raife the fpirits of the Bri- 
tifh, who were now thrown into the utmofl 
difmay. 



CHAP. VIL 



Treaty between France and America — Conciliator);- 
Bill defpifed — Philadelphia evacuated — French 
Fleet arrives in America — Expedition againjl 
Georgia — South Carolina invaded — D' E/laings 
Expedition againjl Georgia — Expeditions of the 
Britijh againjl the northern Provinces — Attach 
of Penobfcot* 



o 



N the 16th of March 1778, Lord North 
intimated to the houfe of commons, that a paper 
had been laid before the king by the French am- 
baflador, intimating the conclufjon of an alliance^ 

between' 
H h 



.:m GENERAL HISTORY 

between the court of France and the United 
States of America. The preliminaries of this 
Treaty had been concluded in the end of the year 
1777, and a copy of them fent to congrefs, in 
order to counteract any propofals that might be 
made in the mean ti-me by the Britifh miniflry. 
On the 6th of February 1778, the articles were 
formally figned, to the great fatisfa<5tion of the 
French nation. They were in fubftance as fol- 
lows : 

1. If Great Britain fliould, fin confequence of 
this treaty, proceed to hoftilities againft France, 
the two nations (hould mutually affift one an- 
other. 

2. The main end of the treaty was, in an ef~ 
fe(5tual manner to maintain the independency of 
America. 

8. Should thofe places of North-America dill 
fubjeft to Britain be reduced by the colonies, 
they fhould be confederated with them, or fub- 
jefted to their jurifdiftion. 

4. Should any of the Weft Iflands be reduced 
by France, they (hould be deemed its property. 

5. No formal treaty with Great Britain fliould 
be concluded either by France or America with- 
out the confent of each other : and it was mutu- 
ally engaged that they (hould not lay down their 
arms till the independency of the States had been 
formally acknowledged. 

6. The contra(Sling parties mutually agreed to 
invite thofe powers that had received injuries 
from Great Britain to join the common caufe. 

7. The United States guaranteed to France 
all the po(re(rions in the Weft Indies which (he 
fliauld conquer ; and France in her turn guaran- 
teed 



OF AMERICA. 35& 

teed the abfolure independency of the States, 
and their fupreme authority over every country 
they pofTefTed, or might acquire during the war. 

The notification of fnch a treaty as this could 
not but be looked upon as a declaration of war. 
On its being announced to the houfe, every one 
agreed in an addrefs to his majefty, promifing to 
fland by him to the utmoll in the prefent emer- 
gency -, but it was warmly contended by the 
members in oppofuion, that the prefent miniltry 
ought to be removed on account of their number- 
lefs blunders and mifcarriages in every inftance. 
Many were of opinion, that the only way to ex- 
tricate the nation from its trouble was to acknow- 
ledge the independency of America at once ; and 
thus they might ftill do with a good grace what 
mufl inevitably be done at laft, after expending 
much more blood and treafure than had yet been 
lavifhed in this unhappy conteft. The minifte- 
rial party, however, entertained different ideas. 
Inftigated by zeal for the national honour, it 
was determined at once to refent the arrogance 
of France, and profecute Hoftilities againft Ame- 
rica with more vigour than ever (hould the terms 
now offered them be reje61;ed. 

The Americans in the mean time affiduoufly 
employed their agents at the courts of Spain, Vi- 
enna, PrufTia and Tufcany, in order, if pofTible to 
conclude alliances with them or at lead to procure 
an acknowledgment of their independency. As 
it had been reported that Britain intended to ap- 
ply for affillance to Rufiia, the American com- 
miffioners were enjoined to ufe their utmoft influ- 
ence with the German princes to prevent fuch 
auxiliaries from marching through their territo- 
ries, 



360 GENERAL HISTORY 

lies, and to endeavour to procure the recal ol 
the German troops already fent to America. To 
France they offered a ceflion of fuch Weft India 
iflnnds as (hould be taken by the united ftrength 
of France and America ; and fhould Britain by 
their joint endeavours be difpofleired of New- 
foundland, Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, thefe 
territories (hould be divided betwixt the two na- 
tions, and Great Britain be totally excluded from 
the fifliery. The propofals to the Spanifti court 
were, that in cafe they (hould think proper to 
efpoufe their quarrel, the American ftates (hould 
aiiift, in reducing Penfacola under the dominion 
of Spain, provided their fubjetfls v/ere allowed 
the free navigation of the river Mi(rifrippi and the 
life of the harbour Penfacola ; and they further 
offered, that, if agreeable to Spain, they would 
declare war againft Portugal, (hould that power 
expel the American (liips from its ports. 

In the mean time the troops under General 
Burgoyne were preparing to embark for Britain 
according to the convention at Saratoga ; but 
.ongrefs having received information, that many 
iTticles of ammunition and accoutrements had not 
been fur rendered agreeably to the ftipulated 
terms, and finding fome caufe to apprehend, thai 
fmifter deiigns were harboured on the part of 
Great Britain to convey thefe troops to join the 
nrmy at Philadelphia or New-York, pofitively 
refufed to let them embark, until an explicit ra- 
tification of the convention fiiould be properly 
notified by the BritiQi court. 

The feafon for acftion was now approaching ; 
and congrefs was indefatigable in its preparations 
for a new campaign, which it was confidently 

fai'i 



OF AMERICA. 36! 

faid would be the laft. Among other methods 
taken for this pnrpofe, it was recommended to 
all the young gentlemen of the colonies to form 
them(elves into bodies of cavalry to ferve at their 
own expenfe daring the war. General Wafli- 
ington at the fame time, to remove all incum- 
brances from his army, lightened the baggage 
ns much as poffible, by fubftituting facks and 
portmanteaus in place of chefts and boxes, and 
ufing pack-horfcs indead of waggons. On the 
other hand the Britifli army expecTling to be re- 
inforced by 20,000 men, thought of nothing but 
concluding the war according to their wiflies be- 
fore the end of the campaign. It was with the 
utmoft concern, as well as indignation, there- 
fore, that they received the news of Lord North's 
conciliatory bill. It was univerfaliy looked upon 
as a national difgrace ; and fome even tore the 
cocktides from their hats, and trampled them 
under their feet as a token of their indignation. 
By the colonics it was received with indiiferencc. 
The Britidi commiflloners endeavoured to make 
it as public as poflible ; and the congrels, as for- 
merly, ordered it to be printed in all the newf- 
papers. On this occa Hon Governor IVyon in- 
clofed feveral copies of the bill to General Waffi- 
ington in a letter, intreating him that he would 
allow them to be circulated •, to which tlie Gene- 
ral returned for anfwer a copy of a newfpaper in 
which the bill was printed, with the reioiutions 
of congrefs upon it. Thefe were, That who* 
ever prefumed to make a feparate agreement with 
Britain fiiould be deemed a public enemy ; that 
the United States could not with any propriety 

keeo 
TI h -•' 



362 GENERAL HISTORY 

keep correfpondence with the com mi fli oners un- 
til their independence was acknowledged,- and 
the Britifh fleets and armies removed from Ame- 
rica. At the fame time, the colonies were warn- 
ed not to fufFer themfelves to be deceived into 
fecurity by any offers that might be made ; but 
to ufe their utmoft endeavours to fend their quo- 
tas with all diligence into the field. The indivi- 
duals with whom the commiilioners converfed on 
the conciliatory bill, generally returned for an - 
fwer, that the day of reconciliation was pafl , 
and that the haughtinefs of Britain had extin- 
guished all filial regard in the brenfts of Ame'ri- 
cans. 

- About this time alfo Mr. Silas Dean arrived 
from France with two copies of the treaty of 
commerce and alliance to be figned by congrefs. 
Advices of the mod agreeable nature were alfo 
received from various parts, reprefenting in the 
moft favourable light the difpofitions of the Eu- 
ropean powers •, all of whom, it was faid, wifh- 
ed to fee the independence of America fettled 
upon the moft permanent bafis. Confideiing the 
fituation of matters with the colonifts at this time, 
therefore, it was no wonder the commiilioners 
found themfelves unable to accomplifh the errand 
on which they came. Their propofals were ut- 
terly rejefled, themfelves treated as fpies, and, 
after a vain attempt by governor Johnftone, one 
of the commiflioners, to bribe feveral members 
of congrefs, all intercourfe with them was inter- 
diaed. 

But before any final anfwer could be obtained 
from congrefs, Sir Henry Clinton had taken the 
rsfolution of evacuating Philadelphia. Accord- 
ingly? 



OF AMERICA. 363 

ingly, on the tenth of June, after having made 
all necelTury preparations, the army marched out 
of the city, and croflfed the Delaware before 
noon, with all its baggage and other incum- 
brances. General Wafhington, apprifed of this 
defign, had defpatched expreiTes into the Jer- 
feys, with orders to coliefl all the force which 
could be adembled in order to obftrudf the march 
of the enemy. After various movements on both 
fides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal army, 
arrived on the 27th of June, at a place called 
Freehold; where, judgl-ng that the enemy would 
attack him, he encamped in a very Orong fitua- 
tion. Here General Waihingtgn determined to 
make an attack as foon as the army had again be- 
gun its march. The night was fpent in making 
the neceflary preparations, and Gen. Lee with 
his divifion, was ordered to be ready by day- 
break. But Sir Henry Clinton, juftly apprehend- 
ing the chief objedl of the enemy was the bag- 
gage, committed it to the care of General Knyp- 
haufen, whom he ordered to fet out early in the 
morning, while he followed with the reft of the 
army The attack was accordingly made^ but 
the Britifh general had taken fuch care to arrange 
his troops properly, and fo effectually fupported 
his forces when engaged with the Americans, 
that the latter not only made no impreffion, but 
were with difficulty preferved from a total defeat 
by the advance of General Wafhington with the 
whole army. The Britifh troops efFe(fted their 
letreat in the night with the lofs of 300 men, of 
whom many died through mere fatigue without 
any wound. In this a<5iion General Lee was 
charged by General Wafliington with difbbe- 

dience 



364: GENERAL HISTORY 

dience and mifcondudl in retreating before the 
Britifli army. He was tried by a court-martial, 
and fentenced to a temporary fufpenfion from his 
command. After they had arrived at Sandy- 
Hook, a bridge of boats was by Lord Howe's 
direjTlions thrown from thence over the channel 
which feparated the ifland from the main land, 
and the troops were conveyed aboard the fleet ^ 
after which they failed to New-York. 

After fending fome light detachments to watch 
the enemy's motions, Gen. Wafhington marched 
towards the North River, where a great force 
had been collefted to join him, and where it was 
now expefted that fome very capital operations 
would take plac^. 

In the mean time France had fet about her 
preparations for the affiftance of the Americans. 
On the 14th of April Count d'Eftaing had failed 
from Toulon with a Arong fquadron of fhips of 
the line and frigates, and arrived on the coaft of 
Virginia, in the beginning of July whilft the Bri- 
tiOi fleet was employed in conveying the forces 
from Sandy-Hook to New- York. It confifl:ed 
of one (hip of 90 guns, one of 80, Ci^ of 74, and 
four ?f 64, befides feveral large frigates ; and 
exclufive of its complement of failors, had 6000 
marines and foldiers on board. To oppofc this 
ihe Britifli had only fix (hips of 64 guns, three 
of 50, and two of 40, with fome frigates and 
(loops. NotwithAanding this inferiority, how- 
ever, the Britifh admiral polled himfelf fo advan- 
tageoufly, and (hewed fuch fuperior (kill, that 
d'Eftaing did not think proper to attack him ; 
particularly, as the pilots informed him that it 
was impradlicable lo carry his large (liips over 

t.h.e 



OF AMERICA. 36^ 

the bar into the Hook, and General WaQiIngtoa 
pre/Ted him to fail for Newport. He therefore 
remained at anchor four miles off Sandy-Hook 
till the 22d of July, without efFe<Sting any thing 
more than the capture of fome veiTels, which, 
through ignorance of his arrival, fell into his 
hands. 

The next attempt of the French admiral was, 
in conjunflion with the Americans, on Rhode- 
Ifland. It was propofed that d*Eftaing, with the 
6000 troops he had with him, fhould make a de» 
fcent on the fouthern part of the ifland, while 
a body of the Americans Ihould take pofTeffion. 
of the north -, at the fame Ane the French 
fquadron was to enter the harbour of Newport, 
and take and deftroy all the Briti(h (hipping. 
On the 8th of Auguft the French admiral enter- 
ed the harbour as was propofed, but found him- 
felf unable to do any material damage. Lord 
Howe, however, inflantly fet fail for Rhode. 
Ifland; and d'Eflaing, confiding in his fuperiori- 
ty, immediate came out of the harbour to attack 
liim. A violent ftorm parted the two fleets, 
and did fo much damage that they were rendered 
totally unfit for action. The French however, 
iuflrsred mofl: ; and feveral of their (hips being 
afterwards attacked fingly by the Britifh, very 
narrowly efcaped being taken. On the 20th of 
Auguft he returned to Newport in a very fliatter- 
ing condition; and, not thinking himfelf fafe 
there, failed two days after for Boflon. General 
Sullivan had landed in the mean time on the north- 
ern part of Rhode-lfland, with 10,000 men. On 
the 17th of Auguft they began their operations 
by ere<5ling batteries, and making their approach- 
es 



366 GENERAL HISTORY 

es to the BritiQi lines. But General Pigot, who 
commanded in Newport, had taken fuch efFeflual 
care to fecure himfelf on the land-fide, that with- 
out the afliftance of a marine force it was altoge- 
ther impoilible to attack him with any probabili- 
ty of fuccefs. The condudl of d'Ertaing there- 
fore who had abandoned them when mafter of 
the harbour, gave the greateft difgufl to the peo- 
ple of New-England, and Sullivan began to think 
of a retreat. On perceiving his intentions, the 
garrilbn fallied out upon him with fo much vi- 
gour, that it was not without difficulty that he 
efPeflied his retreat. He had not been long gone 
"when Sir Henfy Clinton arrived with a body of 
4000 men ; which, had it arrived fooner, would 
have enabled the Britifh commander to have gain- 
ed a decifive advantage over him, as well as to 
have deftroyed the town of Providence, which, 
by its vicinity to Rhode-Ifland, and the enter- 
prifes which were continually projected and car- 
ried on in that place, kept tlie inhabitants of 
Rhode-Ifland in continual alarms. 

The firfl; Britifh expedition was to Buzzard*s- 
Bay, on the coad of New-England and neigh- 
bourhood of Rhode Kland. Here they deftroy- 
ed a great number of privateers and merchant- 
men, magazines, with ft:ore-honfes, &c. j whence 
proceed'ng to a fertile and populous illand, called 
Martha's-Vineyard, they carried off 2000 flieep 
and 300 black cattle. Another expedition took 
pl;ice up the North-River, under Lord Cornwall 
lis and General Koyphaufen ; the principal event 
of which was, the deflruiftion of a regiment of 
American cavalry known by the name of Wafh- 
ingion's Light Horfe. A third expedition was 

direfled 



OF AMERICA. Sa7 

dire<rted to Little Egg-Harboiirin New-Jerfey, 
a place noted for privateers, the deftru(5lion of 
which was its principal intention. It was con- 
du<5fed by Captains Fergufon and Collins, and 
ended in the deArudfionof the American vefiels, 
as well as of the place itfelf. At the fame time 
part of another body of American troops, called 
Pulafki's legion, was furprifed and a great num- 
ber of them put to the fword. 

The Americans had in the beginning of the 
year projected the conquefl of Weft-Florida j 
and one Captain Willing, with a party of refolute 
men, had made a fuccefsful incurfion into the 
country. This awakened the attention of the 
Britifh to the fouthern colonies, and an expedi- 
tion againft them was refolved on. Georgia was 
the place of deftination ; and the more efFe6lually 
to enfure fuccels, Colonel Campbell, with a fuf- 
ficient force, under convoy of fome (hips of war, 
commanded by Commodore Hyde Parker, em- 
barked at New-York -, while General Prevoft 
who commanded in Eaft-Florida, was direfl- 
ed to fet out with all the force he could fpare. 
The armament from New- York arrived off the 
coaft of Georgia in the month of December ; 
and though the Americans were very ftrongly 
polled in an advantageous fituation on the fhore., 
the Britifh troops made good their landing, and 
advanced towards Savannah the capital of the 
province. That very day they defeated the force 
of the provincials which oppofed them ; and took 
pofTeffion of the town with fuch celerity, that 
the Americans had not time to execute a refolu- 
tion they had taken of fetting it on fire. In tea 
days the whole province of Georgia was reduc- 
ed; 



368 GENERAL HISTORY 

ed ; Sunbury alone excepted *, and this was alfo 
brought under iubjeflion by General Prevoft in 
his march northward. Every proper method 
was taken to lecure the tranquillity of the coun- 
try ; and rewards were offered for apprehending 
committee and aflembly men, or fuch as they 
judged moft inimical to the BritiOi interefts. On 
the arrival of General Prevoft, the command of 
the troops naturally devolved on him as thefenior 
officer ; and the conqueft of Carolina was next 
projected. 

In this attempt there was no fmall probability 
of fuccefs. The country contained a great num- 
ber of friends to government, who now eagerly 
embraced the opportunity of declaring them- 
felves, many of the inhabitants of Georgia had? 
joined the royal flandard -, and there was not 
in the province any confiderable body of provin- 
cial forces capable of oppofing the efforts of re- 
gular and well'difciplined troops. On the firfl 
view of General Prevoft*s approach, the loyalids 
affembled in a body, imagining themfelves able 
to ftand their ground until their allies (hould ar- 
rive ; but in this they were difappointed. The 
Americans attacked and defeated rhem with the 
lofs of half their number. The remainder re- 
treated into Georgia ; and after undergoing ma- 
ny difficulties, at laft effected a junction with the 
Britifli forces. 

In the mean time, General Lincoln, with a 
confiderable body of American troops, had en- 
camped within 20 miles of the town of Savan- 
nah ; and another ftrong party had pofted them- 
felves at a place called Briar^s Creek, farther up 
the river of the fame name. Thus the extent of 

the 



OF AMERICA. :mj 

the Britifli government was likely to be clrcum- 
icribed within very narrow bounds. General 
Prevoft therefore determined to diQodge the par- 
ty at Briar's Creek : and the latter, trufting to 
their fVrong fituation, and being remifs in their 
guard, fufFered themfelves to be ilirprifed on the 
30th of March 1779 •, when they were utterly 
routed with the lofs of more than 300 killed and 
taken, befides a great number drowned in the 
river or the fwamps. The whole artillery, ftores, 
baggage and almofl: all the arms of this unfortu- 
nate party were taken, fo that they could no 
more make any fland; and thus the province of 
Georgia was once more freed from the Ameri- 
cans, and a communication opened with thofe 
places in Carolina where the royalifts chiefly re- 
fided. 

The vidlory at Briar's Creek proved of con- 
iiderable fervice to the BritiQi caufe. Great num- 
bers of the loyalifts joined the army and confi- 
derably increafed its force. Hence he was ena- 
bled to ftretch his pofts further up the river, and 
to guard all the principal pafTes : fo that General 
Lincoln was reduced to a il:ate of ina(fl:ion ; and 
at Lift moved off towards the Augufta, in order 
to prote6f the provincial aflembly, which was 
obliged to fit in that place, the capital being now 
in the hands of the Britifh. 

Lincoln had no fooner quitted his poll:, than 
it was judged a proper time by the Britifli gene- 
ral to put into execution the grand fcheme which 
had been meditated againfl Carolina, many diffi- 
culties indeed lay in his way. The river Savan- 
nah was fo fwelled by the excefTive rains of the 

feafon, 
I i 



370 GENERAL HISTORY 

feafon, that It feemed impafTable ; the oppofitc 
fhore for a great way, was fo full of fwamps and 
marflies, that no army could march over it with- 
out the greateft difficulty -, and, to render the 
pc^flage dill more difficult. General Moultrie was 
left with a confiderable body of troops in order 
to oppofe the enemy's attempt^', But in fpite of 
every oppofition, the conftancy and perfeverance 
of the Britifh troops at laft prevailed. General 
Moultrie was obliged to retire towards Charlef- 
ton ; and the purfuing army after having waded 
through the marChes for fome time, at laft arriv- 
ed in an open country, through which they pur- 
fued their march with great rapidity, towards 
the capital •, while General Lincoln made prepa- 
rations to march to its relief. 

Certain mteiligence of the danger to which 
Charlefton was expofcd, animated the American 
general. A chofen body of infantr}^, mounted 
on horfeback for the greater expedition, was 
defpatched before him j while Lincoln himfelf 
followed with all the forces he could colle(ft. 
General Moultrie too, with the troops he had 
brought from Savannah, and fome others he had 
colle^led fmce his retreat from thence, had taken 
poflefTion of all the avenues leading to Charlef- 
ton, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But 
all oppofition proved ineffcftual ; and the Bri'/ifh 
army was allowed to come within cannon (hot 
of Charlefton on the 12ih of May. 

The town was now fummoned to furrender, 
and the inhabitants would gladly have agreed to 
obferve a neutralif^^ during the reft of the war, 
and would have engaged alfo for the reft of the 
province* But thefe terms Dot being accepted, 

they 



OF AMERICA. 374 

•hey made preparations for a vigorous defence. 
It was nor, however, in the power of the Britidi 
comnaandcr at this time to make an attack with 
any profpeifl of fuccefs. His artillery was not of 
fufficient weight: there were no (hips to fupport 
his attack by land-, and General Lincoln advanc- 
ing rapidly with a fupericr army threatened to 
inclofe him between his own force and the town ; 
fo that (hould he fail in his firft attempt, certain 
deilruflion would be the confeqnencc. Forthefe 
reafons he withdrew his forces from before the 
town, and took poffeiTion of two iflands, called 
St, James's and St. Johns, lying to the fouth- 
ward i where having waited fome time, his force 
was augmented by the arrival of two frigates. 
With thefe he determined to make himfelf mafter 
of Port Royal, another ifland poflTefTed of an ex- 
cellent liarbonr, and many other natural advan- 
tages, from its fituation alfo commanding all the 
fea-coaft from Charlefton to Savannah River. 
The American general, however, did not allow 
this to be accompliftied without oppofition. Per- 
ceiving that his opponent had occupied an advan- 
tageous port on St. John's ifland preparatory to 
his enterprife againft Port-Royal, he attempted, 
on the 20th of June, to diflodge them from it ; 
but after an obflinate attack, the provincials were 
obliged to retire with confiderable lofs. On this 
occafion the fuccefs of the Britifli arms was in a 
great m.eafure owing to an armed float, which 
galled the right flank of their enemy fo effe^lual- 
I5', that they could dire6l their efforts only againfl 
the Arongelt part of the lines, which proved im- 
pregnable to their attacks. This difappointment 
was inftantly followed by the lofs of Port-Royal, 

which 



372 GENERAL HISTORY 

which General Prevoft took pofTeiTion of, and 
put his troops into proper flations, waiting for 
the arrival of fuch reinforcements as were neccf- 
fary for the Intended attack on Charlefton. 

The profligate conduft of the refugees and the 
officers and foldiers of the Britilh, in plundering 
the houfes of individuals, during their incurfion, 
is incredible. Negroes were feduced or forced 
from their mafters j furniture and plate were 
feized without decency or authority j and the 
moft infamous violations of every law of honour 
and honefty were openly perpetrated. Individu- 
als thus accumulated wealth, but the reputation 
of the Britifli arms incurred an everlafting fligma. 

In the mean time Count d'Eflaing, who as we 
have already obferved, had put into Bofton har- 
bour to refit, had ufed his utmoft efforts to in- 
.i^ratiate himfelf with the inhabitants of that city. 
Zealous alfo in the caufe of his mafter, he had 
piibliflied a proclamation to be difperfed through 
Canada, inviting the people to return to their ori- 
ginal Friendfhip with France, and declaring that 
ail who renounced their allegiance to Great Bri- 
tain (hould certainly find a protestor in the king 
o^ France. All his endeavours, however, proved 
infufficient at this time to produce any revolution, 
or even to form a party of any confequence 
among the Canadians. 

As foon as the French admiral had refitted h-is 
fleet, he took the opportunity, while that of Ad- 
miral Byron had been fliattered by a florm, of 
failing to the Wefl-Indies. During his operations 
there, the Americans having reprefented his con- 
du6t as totallv unferviceable to them, he receiv- 
ed 



OF AMERICA. S7ii 

eJ orders from Europe to affill the colonies with 
all pofTible fpeed. 

In compliance with thefe orders, he directed 
his courfe towards Georgia, with a defign to re- 
cover that province out of the hands of the ene- 
my, and to put it, as well as South Carolina, in 
iucli a poflure of defence as would efFeftually 
fecure them from any future attack. This feem- 
ed to be an eafy matter, from the little force with 
which he knew he (hould be oppofed ; and the 
next object in contemplation was no lefs than the 
deftrudiion of the Britidi fleet and army at New 
York, and their total expulfion from the conti- 
nent of America. Full of thefe hopes, the French 
commander arrived off thecoaft of Georgia with 
a fleet of 22 fail of the line and 10 large frigates. 
His arrival was fo little expefled, that feveral 
veflels laden with provifions and military fl:ores 
fell into his hands j the Experiment, alfo, a vef- 
ibl of 50 guns, commanded by Sir James Wal- 
lace, was taken after a iiout refiTiance. On the 
continent, the Britifli troops were divided. Ge- 
neral Prevofl", with an inconfiderabie parr, re- 
mained at Savannah j but the main force was un- 
der Colonel Maitland at Port Royal. On the 
firif appearance of the French fleet, an exprels 
was defpatched to Colonel Maitland : but it was 
intercepted by the Americans ; fo that before he 
could fet out in order to join the commander in 
chief, the Americans had fecured moll of the 
paffcs by land, while the French fleet tfre<n:u ally 
blocked up the paflTage by fea. But, by taking 
advantage of creeks and inlets and marching over 
iimd, he arrived jafl in time to relieve Savannah. 

D'Eilaing 
I i 2 



mi GENERAL HISTORY 

D'Eftaing had allowed General PrevoH: 24- 
hours to deliberate whether he would capitulate 
or nor. This time the general employed in mak- 
ing the bell preparations he could for a defence ; 
and during this time it was that Colonel Malt- 
land arrived. D'Eftaing's fummons was now re« 
jefled The garrifon now confifted of 3000 men, 
all of approved valour and experience, while the 
united force of the French and Americans did 
not amount to 10,000. The event was anfwer- 
able to the expeiftations of the Britifh general. 
Having the advantage of a flrong fortification 
and excellent engineers, the fire of the allies made 
fo little impreflion that D'Eflaing refolved to 
Lombard the town, and a battery of nine mortars 
was erefied for the purpofe. This produced a 
. requefl: from General Prevoft, that the women 
and children might be allowed to retire to a place 
of fafety. But the allied commanders, from mo- 
tives of policy, refufed compliance ; and they 
refolved to give a general affault. This was ac- 
cordingly attempted on the 9ih of Of^ober ; but 
the afiailants were every where repulfed with 
fuch flaughter, that 1200 were killed and wound- 
ed ; among the former were Count Pulafki, the 
celebrated confpirator againfl the reigning king 
of Poland, and among the latter was D'Eltaing 
himfelf. 

This diDfter entirely overthrew the fanguine 
hopes of the Americans and French -, but fo far 
from reproaches or animofity arifing between 
them their common misfortune feemed to increale 
their confidence and efteem for each other ; a 
circumftance fairly to be afcribed to the concili- 
aXory coadu^ of General Lincola upon every 

occafion> 



OF AMERICA. 375 

occafion. After waiting eight days longer, both 
parties prepared for a retreat 5 the French to 
their (hipping, and the Americans into Carolina. 

While the allies were thus unluccefsfully em- 
ployed in the fouthern colonies, their antagonifls 
were no lefs affiduons in diftrefling them in the 
northern parts. Sir George Collier was fcnt with 
a- fleet, carrying on board Gen. Matthews, with 
a body of land forces, into the province of Vir- 
ginia. Their firfl attempt was on the town of 
Portfmouth ; where though the Americans had 
deftroyed fome (liips of great value, the Britifti 
troops arrived in time to i:ive a great number of 
others. On this occafion about 120 vefTels of 
different fizes were burnt, and 20 carried off; 
and an immenfe quantity of provifions defigned 
for the ufe of General Wafhington's army was 
either deftroyed or carried off, together with a 
great variety of naval and military ftores. The 
fleet and army returned with little or no lofs to 
New-York. 

The fuccefs with which this expedition was 
attended, foon gave encouragement to attempt 
another. The Americans had for Ibme time been 
employed in the ere<5lion of two ffrong forts on 
the river j the one at Verplanks Neck on the ead, 
and the other at Stoney-Point on the weft fide. 
Thele when completed would have been of the 
utmoft fervice to the Americans, as commanding 
the principal pafs, called the Kings Ferry, be- 
tween tha northern and fouthern colonies. At 
prefent, however, they were not in a condition 
to make any effe<5tual defence ; and it was there- 
fore determined to attack them before the works 
fhould be completed. The force ejDploy'd on 

Ibis 



376 GENERAL HISTORY 

this occafion was divided into two bodies ; one 
of which dire(f!:ed its courfe againfl: Verplanks, 
and the other againfl Stoney-Point. The former 
was commanded by general Vaughan, the latter 
by General Patterion, while the (hipping was 
under the direflion of Sir George Collier. Ge- 
neral Vaughan met with no refiftance, the Ame- 
ricans abandoning their works, and fetting fire 
to every thing combuftible that they could not 
carry off. At Stoney-Point, however, a vigour- 
ous defence was made, though the garrifon was 
at laft obliged to capitulate upon honourable con- 
ditions. To fecure the pofTefTion of this lafl, 
which was the more important of the two, Ge- 
neral Clinton removed from his former fituation, 
and encamped in fuch a manner that General 
Wafhington could not give any afliftance. The 
Americans, however, revenged themfelves by 
diflreiring, with their numerous privateers, the 
trade to New-York. 

This occafioned a third expedition to Con- 
ne(5ticut, where thefe privateers were chiefly built 
and harboured. The command was given to 
Governor Tryon and to General Garth, an offi- 
cer of known valour and experience. Under 
convoy of a confiderable number of armed veffels 
they landed at Newhaven, where they demolifli- 
cd the batteries that had been eredted to oppofe 
them, and deAroyed the fliippingand naval ilores 
but they fpared the townitlelf, as the inhabitants 
had abf\ained from firing out of their houfes up- 
on the troops. From Newhaven they marched 
to Fairfield, where they proceeded as before, 
reducing the town alfo to afhes. Norfolk was 
next attacked, which in like manner was reduced 

to 



©F AMERICA. ^77 

to afhes; as was alfo Greenfjeld, a fmall Tea port 
in the ntighbourhood. Such repeated conflagra- 
tions, wantonly and cruelly fpread, Terved only 
to increafe the difguft which was felt by every 
friend to the American caufe. 

Thefe fuccefles proved very alarming as well 
as detrimental to the Americans *, fo that General 
Wafhington determined at all events to drive the 
enemy from Stoney-Point. For this purpofe he 
fent Gen. Wayne with a detachment of chofen 
men, dire(5ling him to attempt the recovery of it 
by furprile. On this occafion the Americans 
Ihowed a fpirit andtefoluiion exceeding any thing 
either party had performed during the courfe of 
the war. Though after the capture of it by the 
Britifh the fortifications of this place had been 
completed, and were very ftrong, they attacked 
the enemy with bayonets, after pafTing through 
a heavy fire of mufquetry and grapefhot ; and, 
in fpite of all oppofition, obliged the furviving 
part of the garrifon, amounting to 500 men, to 
furrender themfelves prifoners of war. 

Though the Americans did not at prefent at- 
tempt to retain poflefTion at Stoney-Point, the 
fuccefs they had met with in the enterprife em- 
boldened them to make a fimilar attempt upon 
Paul us Hook, a fortified poll on the Jerfey fide, 
oppofire to New-York; but, although the hero- 
ilm of the enterprife and the fpirit with which it 
was executed deferves applaufe, after having 
completely furprifed the ports, the American 
commander, Major Lee, finding it impofiible to 
retain them, made an orderly retreat, with about 
161 prifoners, among whom were feven officers. 

Another 



378 GENERAL HISTORY 

Another expedition of greater importance was 
now proje6led on the part of the Americans. 
This was againft a Poll on the river Penobfcot, 
on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the 
Britifh had lately taken pofTeffion, and where 
they had begun to ereift a fort which threatened 
to be a very great inconvenience to the coloniits. 
The armament deftined againft it was io fooa 
got in readinefs, that Colonel Maclane, the com- 
manding officer at Penobfcot, found himfelf 
obliged to drop the execution of part of his 
fcheme ; and inftead of a regular fort, to content 
himfelf with putting the works already conftrucl- 
ed in as good a pofturc of defence as pofiible. 
The Americans could not efFed a landing with- 
out a great deal of difficulty, and bringing the 
guns of their largeft veffels to bear upon the 
fhore. As foon as this was done, however, 
they ere(5f ed fevcral batteries, and kept up a brifk 
fire for the fpace of a fortnight ; after which they 
propofcd to give a general afiault : but before 
this could be effedfed, they perceived Sir George 
Collier with a Britiffi fleet failing up the river 
to attack them. On this they inftantly embark- 
ed their artillery and military ftores, failing up 
the river as far as poffible in order to avoid him. 
They were fo clofely purfued, however, that 
not a fingle vefTel could eicape, lb that the whole 
fleet, confiftingof 19 armed vcfFels and 24 tranl- 
ports, was destroyed j moft of them indeed be- 
ing blown up of themfeives. The foldiers and 
failors were obliged to wander through immenfe 
deferis, where they fuffered much for want of 
provifions •, and to add to their calamities, a 
quarrel broke out between the foldiers and fea- 

men 



OF AMERICA. 3Ti> 

men concerning the caufe of their difafter, which 
ended in a violent fray, wherein a great number 
were killed. 

To add to the diftrefs of the Americans, the 
Indians, accompanied by a number of refugees, 
attacked the back fettlements of Pennfylvania. 
No eiFedlual meafures being taken to reprefs the 
hoftile fpirit of the Indians^ numbers joined the 
tory refugees, and with thefe commenced their 
horrid depredations and hoflilities upon the back- 
fettlers, being headed by col. Butler and Brandt, 
an half blooded Indian, of defperate courage, 
ferocious and cruel beyond example. Their ex- 
peditions were carried on to great advantage, by 
the exa£t knowledge which the refugees pofiefT- 
ed of every objefl of their enterpriie, and the 
immediate intelligence they received from their 
friends on the fpct. The weight of their hofli- 
lities fell upon the Ene, new, and flouriihing 
ftttlement of Wyoming, fituated on the eaftern 
branch of the Sufquehannah, in a moft beautiful 
country and delightful climate. It was firil: fet- 
tled and cultivated with great ardor, by a num- 
ber of people from Conneflicut, which claimed 
the territory as included in its original grant by 
Charles II. The fettlement confiffed of eight town- 
ihips, each five miles fquare, beautifully placed 
on each fide of the river. It had increafed fo by 
a rapid population, that they fent a thoufand men 
to ferve in the condnental army. To provide 
againft the dangers of their remote iituation, four 
forts were confiru^ed to cover them from the 
irruptions of the Indians. But it was their un- 
happinefs, to have a confiderable mixture of roy- 
alids amongfl them ; and the two parties were 

aifluated 



380 GENERAL HISTORY 

adluated by fentiments of the mofl violent ani- 
mofity which was not confined to particular fa- 
milies or places : but creeping within the roofs 
and to the hearths and floors where it was lead to 
be expeded, ferved equally to poifon the fources 
of domeflic fecurity and happincfs, and to cancel 
the laws of nature and humanity. 

They had frequent and timely warnings of 
the danger to which they were expoled by fend- 
ing their befl men to fo great a diftance. Their 
quiet had been interrupted by the Indians, join- 
ed by marauding parties of their own country- 
men, in the preceding year : and it was only by 
a vigorous oppofition, in a courfe of fuccefsful 
fkirmiflies, that they had been driven off. Seve- 
ral tories, and others not before fufpecfted, had 
then and fince abandoned the fettlement : and 
befide a perfeft knowledge of all their particular 
circumflances, carried along with them fuch a 
flock of private refentment, as could not fail of 
direfling the fury, and even of giving an edge 
to the cruelty of their Indian and other invete- 
rate enemies. An unufual number of Grangers 
had come among them under various pretences, 
whofe behaviour became {o ful'picious, that upon 
being taken up and examined, fuch evidence ap- 
peared againfl feveral of them, of their a6ting in 
concert with the enemy, on a fcheme for the de- 
ftru£lion of the fcttlements, that about twenty 
were fent off to Conne<5licut to be there imprifon- 
ed and tried for their lives, while the remainder 
were expelled. Thefe meafures excited the rage 
of the tories in general to the molt extreme de- 
gree 5 and the threats formerly denounced again ft 

the 



OF AMERICA. 381 

the fettlers were now renewed with aggravated 
vengeance. 

As the time approached for the final cataflfo- 
phe, the Indians pra61ifed nnnfual treachery. 
For leverai weeks previous to the intended attack, 
they repeatedly fent fmall parties to the fettle- 
ment, charged with the flrongeft profeffions of 
frienddiip. Thefe parties, befides attempting to 
lull the people into fecurity, anfwered the pur- 
pofes of communicating with their friends, and 
of obferving the prefent (late of affairs. The 
fettlers, however, were not infenfiblc to the dan- 
ger. They had taken the alarm, and col. Zebu- 
ion Butler had feveral times written letters to 
congrefs and Gen. Wafhington, acquaindng them 
with the danger the fettlement was in, and re- 
queuing affiftance -, but the letters were never 
received, having been intercepted by the Penn- 
fylvania tories. A little before the main attack, 
fome fmall parties made fudden irruptions, and 
committed feveral robberies and murders •, and 
from ignorance or a contempt of all ties what- 
ever, mafTacred the wife and five children of one 
of the perfons fent for trial to Connecticut in 
their own caufe. 

At length, in the beginning of July, the ene- 
my fuddenly appeared in full force on the Sufque- 
hanna, headed by col. John Butler, a Conncvfi- 
cut lory, and coufin to col Zeb. Butler, the fe- 
cond in command in the fettlement. He was al- 
iifted by mofl: of thofeieadcrs, who had render- 
ed themfclves terrible in the prefent frontier war. 
Their force was about 1600 men, near a fourth 
Indians, led by their own chiefs i the others 

were 
K k 



S82 GENERAL HISTORY 

were fo difguifed and painted as not to be diAin- 
guiflied from the Indians, excepting their officers 
who being dreiTed in regimentals, carried the 
appearance of regulars. One of the fmaller forts, 
garrifoned chiefly by tories, was given up or ra- 
ther betrayed. Another was taken by ftorm, 
and all but the women and children maffacred 
in the mod inhuman manner. 

Col. Zeb. Butler, leaving a fmall number to 
guard fort Wilk (borough, crofTed the river with 
about 400 men, and marched into Kingfton fort, 
whither the women, children and defencelcfs of 
all forts crowded for prote(5fion. He fufFered 
himfelf to be enticed by his coufin to abandon 
the fortrefs. He agreed to march out, and hold 
a conference with the enemy in the open field 
(at fo great a dillance from the fort, as to (hut 
out all poffibiiity of proteflion from it) upon 
their withdrawing according to their own pro- 
pofal, in order to the holding of a parley for the 
conclufion of a treaty. He at the fame time 
inarched out about 400 men well armed, being 
nearly the whole ftrength of the gairifon, to 
guard his perfon to the place of parley, fuch was 
his diftruft of the enemy's defigns. On his ar- 
rival he found nobody to treat with him, and 
yet advanced toward the foot of the mountain, 
where at a diftance he faw a flag, the holders of 
which, feemingly afraid of treachery on his fide, . 
retired as he advansed ; whilfl he, endeavouring 
to remove this pretended ill-impreflion, purfued 
the flag, till his party were thoroughly inclofed, 
when he was fuddenly freed from his delufion, 
by finding it attacked at once on every fide. He 
and his men, not with ftanding the furprife and 

danger, 



OF AMERICA. 38f3 

dinger, fought with refolution and braver}^, and 
kept up fo continual and heavy a fire for three 
quarters of an hour, that they feemed to gain a 
marked fupcriority. In this critical moment, a 
foldier, through a fudden impulfe of fear, or 
premeditated treachery, cried out aloud, " the 
colonel has ordered a retreat." The fate of the 
party was now at once determined. In the ftatc 
of confufion thnt enfued, an unrefifted (laughter 
commenced, while, the enemy broke in on all 
iides without obflru<^ion. Col. Zeb. Biuler, 
and about feventy of his men efcaped •, the latter 
got acrofs the river to fort Wilk(borough, the 
colonel made his way to fort Kingfton; which 
was Inverted the next day on the land Cidc The 

enemy, to fadden the drooping fpirits of the v;eak 
remaining garrifon, fent in for their contempla- 
tion the bloody fcalps of one hundred and nine- 
ty fix of their late friends and comrades. — They 
kept up a continual fire upon the fort the whole 
day. In the evening the colonel quitted the fort 
and went down the river with his family. He 
is thought to be the only officer that efcaped. 

Colonel Nathan Dennifon, who fucceeded to 
the command, feeing the impoliibility of an ef- 
fe(5f ual defence, went out with a flag to col. John 
Butler, to know what terms he would grant on 
a furrender ; to which application Butler anfwer- 
ed with more than favage phlegm in two fiiort 
words — t^e hatchet, — Dennifon having defended 
the fort, till mod of the garrifon were killed or 
difabled was compelled to furrender at difcretion. 
Some of the unhappy pcrfons in the fort were 
carried away alive ; but the barbarous conquer- 
qrsj to fave the trouble of murder in detail. 



384. GENERAL HISTORY 

ihut up the reft promircuoufly in the houfes and 
barracks ; which having fet on fire, ihey enjoy- 
ed the favage pleafure of beholding the whole 
conluined in one general blaze. 

They then crofTed the river to the only re-, 
maining fort, Wilkfborough, which in hopes of 
mercy lurrendered without demanding any con- 
ditions. They found about feventy continental 
ibldiers, who had been engaged merely for the 
defence of the frontiers, whom they butchered 
with every circumftance of horrid cruelty. The 
remainder of the men, with the women and chil- 
dren, were ftiut up as before in the houfes, which 
being fet on fire, they perifhed altogether in the 

flames. 

A general fcene of devaftation was now fpread 
through all the town (hips. Fire, fword, and 
the other different inftruments of deftru6lion al- 
ternately triumphed. The fettlements of the 
tories alone generally efcaped, and appeared as 
iflands in the midft of the furrounding ruin. The 
mercilefs ravagers having deftrqyed the main ob- 
jefrs of their cruelty, diredled their animofity to 
every part of living nature belonging to them ; 
fnot and deftroyed fome of their cattle, and cut 
out (lit tongues of others, leaving them ftill alive 
to prolong their ngooi-^s. 



CHAP. 



OF AMERICA. 38. 

CHAP. VIII. 



Spahi joins the Confederacy agahifl Great Britain — - 
Expedition of the Britijh againfl Charlejion — 
Attack on Staten-lfand — Proceedings of Congrefs 
— Arrival of the French Troops — Gen. Gates 
defeated — Gen. Arnold deferts — Unhappy Fate of 
Major Andre — Arnold's Reafons for his CrmduH: 
"^ other Reafons — Capture of Mr. Laurens. 



HUS the arms of America and France 

being almofl every where unfuccefsful, the inde- 
pendency of the former feemed yet to be in dan. 
ger, notwithftanding the aflillance of fo power- 
ful an ally, when further encouragement was 
given by the accefTion of Spain to the confedera- 
cy againfl: Great Britain in the month of July 
1779. The fir(f effe<5l of this appeared in an in- 
vafion of Weft Florida by the Spaniards in Sep- 
tember 1779. As the country was in no ftate 
of defence, they eafily made themfelves maf- 
ters of the whole, almoft without oppofition. 
Their next enterprife, was againft the Bay of 
Honduras, where the Britifli iogwood-cuiters 
were fettled. Thefe finding themfelves too weak 
to refill, applied to the governor of Jamaica for 
relief, who fent them a fupply of men, ammuni- 
tion, and military ftores, under Captain Dalrym- 
ple. Before the arrival of this detachment, the 
principal fettlement in thofe parts, called ^i* 
Gec/rges Ktjy had been taken by the Spaniards and 

re-takea 
K k 2 



386 GENERAL HISTORY 

re-taken by the Briti(h. In his way Captain 
Dalrymple fell in with a fquadron of Admiral 
Parker iq fearch of fome regifter fhips richly la- 
den ; but which, retreating into the harbour of 
Omoa, were too (trongly prote(Sled by the fort 
to be attacked with fafety. A projcft was then 
formed in conjunction with the people of Hon- 
duras, to reduce this fort. The defign was to 
furprife it -, but the Spaniards having difcovered 
them, they were obliged to fight. Victory quick- 
ly declared for the Britifh ; but the fortifications 
\vere fo ftrong, that the artillery they had brought 
along with them were found too light to make 
any impre/Tion. It was then determined to try 
the fuccefs of an efcalade •, and this was executed 
with fo much fpirit, that the Spaniards flood 
aftonifhed without making any refinance, and in 
fpite of all the efforts of the officers, threw down 
their arms and furrendered. The fpoil was im- 
raenfe, being valued at three millions of dollars. 
The Spaniards chiefly lamented the lofs of 250 
«i|uintals of quickfilver ; a commodity indifpenfi- 
bly neceflary in the working of their gold and 
jjlver mines, fo that they offered to ranfom it at 
any price •, but this was refufed, as well as the 
ranfom of the fort, though the governor offered 
300,000 dollars for it. A fmall garrifon was 
left for the defence of the place : but it was 
quickly attacked by a fuperior force, and oblig- 
ed to evacuate it, though not without deftroying 
every thing that could be of ufe to the enemy 5 
fpiking the guns, and even locking the gates of 
the fort and carrying off the keys. All this was 
done in fight of the befiegers ; after which the 
garrifoQ embarkj?d wiihout the lofs of a man. 

As 



OF AMERICA. 38? 

As no operations of any confequence took 
place this year in the province of New- York, 
the congrefs made ufe of the opportunity to dif- 
patch General Sullivan with a confiderabk force, 
in order to take vengeance on the Indians for 
their ravages and depredations. Of this the In- 
dians were apprifedj and colle(5fing all their 
ftrength, refolved to come to a decifive engage- 
ment. Accordingly they took a firong poll in 
the mod woody and mountainous part of the 
country ; erefling a bread- work in their front, 
of large logs of wood extending half a mile in 
length, while their right flank was covered by a 
river, and the left by a hill of difficult accefs. 
This advantageous polition they had taken by the 
advice of the refugees who were among them, 
and of whom 200 or 300 were prefent in the 
battle. 

Thus ported, the Indians waited the approach 
of the American army : but the latter having 
brought Ibme artillery along with them, played 
it againft the breaft-work of the enemy with fuch 
fuccefs, that in two hours it was almofl deftroy- 
ed J and at the fame time a party having reached 
the top of the hill, they became apprebenfive of 
being furrounded, on which they inflantly fled 
with precipitation, leaving a great number of 
killed and wounded behind them. The Ameri- 
cans after this battle met with no further refift- 
ance of any confequence. They were fufFered 
to proceed without interruption. On entering 
the country of the Indians, it appeared that they 
had been acquainted with agriculture and the 
arts of peace far beyond what had been fuppofed. 
From General Sullivsn's account it was learned, 

that 



388 GENERAL HISTORY 

that the Indian houfes were large, convenient, 
and even elegant •, their grounds were excellently 
cultivated, and their gardens abounded in fruit- 
trees and vegetables of all kinds fit for food. 
The whole of this fine country would now have 
been converted into a defert, had it not been for 
the humane forbearance of General Hand and 
Colonel Durbin. The defolation, however, was 
extenfive, and only to be juftified by the fa- 
vage character and example of their enemy. 

We muft now take a view of the tranfa£lions 
in the fouthern colonies ; to which the war was, 
in the year 1780, fo efFe6tuaIly transferred, that 
the operations there became at lafl decifive. The 
fuccefs of General Prevoft in advancing to the 
very capital of South-Carolina has been already 
related, together with the obftacles which pre- 
vented him from becoming mafter of it at that 
time. Towards the end of the year 1779, how- 
ever, Sir Henry Clinton fet fail from New-York 
with a confiderable body of troops, intended for 
the attack of Charleflon, South-Carolina, in a 
fleet of (hips of war and tranfports under the 
command of Vice-admiral Arbuihnot. They had 
a very tedious voyage ; the weather was uncom- 
monly bad •, feveral of the tranfports were lo(}, 
as were alfo the greater part of the horfes which 
they carried with them, iatended for cavalry or 
other public ufes ; and an ordnance-(hip like wife 
foundered at fea. Having arrived at Savannah, 
where they endeavoured to repair the damages 
fuftained on their voyage, they proceeded from 
thence on the 10th of February, 1780, to North 
Edifto, the place of debarkation which had been 
previoufly appointed. They had a favourable 

and 



OF AMERICA. 389 

and fpeedy pafTage thither : and though it re- 
quired time to have the bar explored and the 
channel marked, the tranfports all entered the 
harbour the next day ; and the army took ppf- 
feifion of St. John's ifland, about 30 miles from 
Charleflon, without oppofition. Preparations 
were then made for pailing the fquadron over 
Charlefton bar, where the high-water fpring- 
tides were only 19 feet deep •, but no opportuni- 
ty offered of going into the harbour till the 20th 
of March, when it was effected without any ac- 
cident, though the American galleys continually 
atrempted to prevent the Englirti boats from 
founding the channel, i he J^ritim troops had pre- 
vioufly removed from John's to James's ifland; 
and on the 29th of the fame month they effeiSled 
their landing on Charlefton neck. On the 1ft of 
April they broke ground within 800 yards of tho 
American works ; and by the 8th the befiegers 
guns were mounted in battery. 

As foon as the army began to ere^V their bat- 
teries againft the town, Admiral Arbuthnot em- 
braced the firft favourable opportunity of pafling 
Sullivan's ifland, upon which there was a ftrong 
fort of batteries, the chief defence of the har- 
bour. He weighed on the 9th, with the Roc- 
buck, Richmond, and Romulus, Blonde, Vir- 
ginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed fliip, the 
Renown bringing up the rear; and, palling 
through a fevere fire, anchored in about two 
hours under James's ifland, with the lois of 27 
feamen killed and wounded. The Richmond's 
fore-top-maft was fliot away, and the fliips in ge- 
neral fuftained damage in their raafts and rigging, 
though not materially in their hulls.. But the 

Acctu'i 



390 GENERAL HISTORY 

Acetus tranrport, having on board fome naval 
rtores, grounded within gun-(hot of Sullivan's 
iOand, and received fo much damage that (he was 
obliged to be abandoned and burnt. 

On the 10th, Sir Henry Clinton (having re- 
ceived a reinforcement of 3000 men from New- 
York) and Admiral Arbuthnot fummoned the 
town to furrender to his majefly's arms •, but 
Major-general Lincoln, who commanded in 
Charleffon, returned them an anfwer, declaring 
it to be his intention to defend the place. The 
batteries were now opened againft the town ; 
and from their efFefl the fire of the Ampricnn 
aavancea worKs cuunaeraoiy abated. It appears 
■that the number of troops under the command 
of Lincoln were by far too few for defending 
works of fuch extent as thofe of Charlefton ; and 
that many of thefe were men little accuftomed to 
military fervice, and very ill provided with 
clothes and other necefTaries. Lincoln had been 
for fome time expecfting reinforcements and fup- 
piies from virg\nia and other places : but tney 
came in very flowly. Earl Cornwallis, and Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Tarleton under him, were alfo ex- 
tremely adFivein intercepting fuch reinforcements 
and fuppiies as were fent to the American gene- 
ral. They totally defeated a confiderable body 
of cavalry r.nd militia which was proceeding to 
the relief of the town ; and alfo made themfelves 
mailers of fome ports which gave them in a great 
degree the command of the country, by which 
means great fuppiies of provifions fell into their 
hands. Tarleton was himfelf, however defeat- 
ed in a rencounter, with Lieutenant Colonel 

Wafhington^ 



OF AMERICA. 39 i 

Wafhington, at the head of a regular corps of 
horfe. 

Such was the ftate of things, and Fort Sullivan 
had alfo been taken by the king's troops, when 
on the 18th of May, General Clinton again fum- 
moned the town to furrender ; an offer being 
made, as had been done before, that if they fur- 
rendered, the lives and property of the inhabi- 
tants (hould be preferved to them. Articles of 
capitulation were then propofed by General Lin- 
coln ; but the terms were not agreed to by Ge- 
neral Clinton. At length, however, the town 
being clofely inverted on all fides, and the pre- 
parations to ftorm it in every part being in great 
forwardnefs, and the Hiips ready to move to the 
aflault, General Lincoln, who had been applied 
to for that purpofe by the inhabitants, furrender- 
ed it on fuch articles of capitulation as General 
Clinton had before agreed to. This was on the 
4th of May, which was one month and two days 
after the town had been firfl fummoned to fur- 
render. 

A large quantity of ordnance, arms, and am- 
munition, was found in Charlefton •, and, accord- 
ing to Sir Henry Clinton's account, the number 
of prifoners taken in Charlefton amounted to 
5618 men, exclufive of near a thoufand failors 
in arms; but according to General Lincoln's ac- 
count tranfmitted to the' congrefs, the whole 
number of continental troops taken prifoners 
amounted to no more than 197. The remainder, 
therefore, included in General Clintoi?s account 
confifted of militia and inhabitants of the town. 
Several American frigates were alfo taken or de- 
flroyed in the harbour of Charlefton. 

The 



392 GENERAL HISTORY 

r The lofs of Charlefton evldcnily excited a cori- 
fiderable alarm in America : and the popular 
writers, particularly the author of the celebrated 
performance entitled Common Senfe, in fome 
other pieces made ufe of it as a ppwerful argu- 
ment to lead thero to more vigorous exertions 
again ft Great Britain, that they might the more 
effedlually and certainly fecure their indepen- 
dence. 

While Sir Henry Clinton was employed in his 
voyage to Charlefton, and in the fiege of that 
place, the garrifon at New- York feem not to have 
been wholly free from apprehenfions for their 
own fafety. An intenfe froft, accompanied with 
great falls of fnow, began about the middle of 
December 1779, and (hut up the navigation of 
the port of New- York from the fea, within a few 
dayf, after the departure of Admiral Arbuthnot 
and General Clinton. The feveruy of the wea- 
ther increafed to fo great a degree, that towards 
the middle of January all communications with 
New-York by water were entirely cut off, and 
a§ many new ones opened by the ice. The inha- 
bitants could Icarcely be faid to be in an infular 
ftatc. Horfes with heavy carriages could go 
over the ice into the Jerfeys from one ifland to 
another. The paffage on the North River, even 
in the wideft parts from New-York to Paulus 
Hook, which was 2000 yards, wus about the 
19th of January pr?6^icable for the heavieft can- 
non : an event which had been unknown in the 
memory of man. Provifions were foon after 
tramported upon fledges, and a detachment of 
cavalry marched upon the ice from New-York 

to 



OF AMERICA. 393 

to Staten-Kland, wliich was a diAance of eleven 
miles. 

The city of New-York being thus circumflanc- 
ed, was confidered as much expoft^d to attacks 
from the continental troops : and it was flrongly 
reported that General Vfafnington was meditat- 
ing a great flroke upon New -York with his whole 
force, by different attacks. Some lime before 
this, Major. General Pattifon, commandant at 
New-York, having received an addrefs from ma- 
ny of the inhabitants, offering to put thcmfelvcs 
in military array, he thought the prefcnt a fa- 
vourable opportunity of trying ibc fnico'iiy of 
their profefTions. Accordingly he uTued a pro- 
clamation, calling upon all the male inhabitants 
from 16 to 60 to take up arms. The requifition 
was fo readily complied with, that in a few days 
40 companies from the fix wards of the city were 
enrolled, officered, and under arms, to the num- 
ber of 2600, many fubflantlal citizens ferving in 
the ranks of each compr.ny. Other volunteer 
companies were formed ; and the city was put 
into a very flrong poflure of defence. 

No attack, however, was made upon New- 
York, whatever defign might originally have 
been meditated ; but an attempt was made upon 
Staten-Ifland, where ihcre were about 1800 men, 
under the command of Brigadier-General Ster- 
ling, who were well entrenched. General Wafli- 
ington, whofe army v/as hutted at Morris-town, 
fent a detachment of 2700 men, with fix pieces 
of cannon, two mortars, and fome horfes, com- 
manded by Lord Sterling, who arrived nt Staten- 
Ifland early in the morning of the 15th of Janu- 
ary, 
L 1 ^' 



391 GENERAL HISTORY 

nry. The advanced ports of the Britifh troops 
retired upon the approach of the Americans, who 
formed the line, and made fome movements in 
the courfe of the day ; but they withdrew in the 
night after having burnt one houfe, pillaged fome 
others, and carried off with them about 200 head 
of cattle. Immediately on the arrival of the 
Americans on Staten-Iiland, Lieutenant-General 
Knyphaufen had embarked 600 men to attempt 
a paflage, and to fupport General Sterling : but 
the floating ice compelled them to return. It is, 
however, imagined, that the appearance of thefe 
tranfports, with the BritiQi troops on board, 
which the Americans could fee towards the clofe 
of the day, induced the latter to make fo preci- 
pitate a retreat. 

After Charlefton had furrendered to the king's 
troops, General Clinton ifTued two proclamations, 
and alfo circulated a hand-bill among the inhabi- 
tants of South-Carolina, in order to induce them 
to return to their allegiance, and to be ready to 
join the king's troops. It was faid, that the help- 
ing hand of every man was wanted to re-eftabliOi 
peace and good government j and that as the com- 
mander in chief wifhed not to draw the king's 
friends into danger, while any doubt could re- 
main of their fuccefs •, fo, now, that this was 
certain, he trufted that one and all would hear- 
tily join, and by a general concurrence give efFedl 
to fuch neceffary meafures for that purpofe as 
from time to time might be pointed out. Thofe 
who had families were to form a militia to remain 
at home, and occalionally to affemble in their 
own diftrifls, when required under officers of 
their own choofmg, for the maintainance of peace 
'^ , and 



OF AMERICA. 395 

and good order. Thofe who had no families, 
and who conld conveniently be fpared for a time, 
it was prefumed, would cheerfully alTift his ma- 
jelly's troops in driving their oppreffors, zdi'mg 
imder the authority of congrefs, and all the mi- 
leries of war, far from that colony. For this pur- 
pofe it was faid to be neceffary that the young 
men fhould be ready to aHemble when required, 
and to ferve with the king's troops for any fiK 
months of the enfuing twelve that might be found 
rcquifite, under pioper regulations. They might 
choofe officers to each company to command 
them ; and were to be allowed, when on fervice, 
pay, ammunition, and provifions, in the fame 
manner as the king's troops. When they joined 
the army, each man was to be furniflied with a 
certificate, declaring that he was only engaged 
to ferve as a militia-man for the time fpecified ; 
that he was not to be marched be^'ond North- 
Carolina and Georgia ; and that when the time 
was out, he was freed from all claims whatever 
of military fervice ; excepting the common and 
ufual militia duty where he lived. He would 
then, it was faid, have paid his debt to his coun- 
try, and be entitled to enjoy undiflurbed that 
peace, liberty, and property at home, which he 
had contributed to fecure. The proclamations 
and publications of General Clinton appear to 
have produced fome efFeft in Soi3th Carolina; 
though they probably operated chiefly upon thofe 
who were before not much inclined to the caufe 
of American independence. Two hundred and 
ten of the inhabitants of Charlefton figned an ad- 
drefs to General Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, 
foliciting to be re-admitted to the chara«5ler and 

condition 



396 GENERAL HISTORY 

condition of Britifh fubje6^(-s, the inhabitants of 
that city having been hitherto confidered as pri- 
ibners on parole ; dechiring their diiapprobation 
of the doff rine of American independence ; and 
cxpre/Ting their regret, that after the repeal of 
thofe flatutes which gave rife to the troubles in 
America, the overtures made by his majeffy's 
commiflioners had not been regarded by the con- 
grefs. Sir Henry Clinton, in one of the procla- 
mations iflued at this time, declared, that if any 
perfon fhould thenceforward appear in arms in 
order to prevent the eflablifhment of his majefty's 
government in that country, or /hould, under 
any pretence or authority whatfoever, attempt to 
compel any other perfon or perfons to do fo, or 
who Qiould hinder or intimidate the king's faith- 
ful and loyal fubje(51s from joining his forces, or 
oiherwife performing thofe duties their allegiance 
required, fnch perfons fhould be treated with 
the utmoH: feverity, and their effates be immedi- 
ately feized in order to be confifcated. 

Mean time the ravages of war did not prevent 
the Americans from paying fome attention to the 
arts of peace. On the 4th of May an a<ft pafTed 
by the council and houfe of Reprefentatives of 
MafTachufetts-Bay for incorporating and efta- 
blifhing a fociery for the cultivation and promo- 
tion of the arts and fciences. 

Some doubts having rifen in the congrefs, to- 
wards the clofe of the preceding year, about the 
propriety of their affcmbling in the city of Phila- 
delphia, it was now refolved that they fhould 
continue to meet there : and a committee of three 
members was appointed to report a proper place 
where buildings might be provided forthe recep- 
tion 



OF AMERICA. S97 

tion of the congrefs, together with an eftimate 
of the expenfe of providing fuch buildings, and 
the necefjfary offices for the feveral boards. It 
was alfo refolved by the congrefs, that a monu- 
ment fhould be eredled to the memory of their 
late General Richard Montgomery, who fell at 
Qviebec, in teftimony of his fignal and important 
fervices to the United States of America, with an 
infcription expreffive of his amiable charafter and 
heroic atchievements j and that the continental 
treafurers fliould be dire(5led to advance a fum 
not exceeding ;^300 to Dr. Franklin to defray 
the expenfe ; that gentleman being defired to 
caufe the monument to be executed at Paris, or 
in fome other part of France. It was likewife 
refolved by the Congrefs, that a court Qiould be 
cftablifhed for the trial of all appeals from the 
court of Admirality of the United States of Ame- 
rica, in cafes of capture; to coufiftof three judges, 
appointed and commiffioned by congrefs, and 
who were to take an oath of office ; and that the 
trials in this court ffiould be determined by the 
ufage of nations. 

The difficulties of the congrefs and of the peo- 
ple of America' had been greatly increafed by the 
depreciation of their paper currency. At the time 
when the colonies engaged in a war with Great 
Britain, they had no regular civil governments 
cftablifhed among them of fufficient energy to en- 
force the collection of taxes, or to provide funds 
for the redemption of fuch bills of credit as their 
neceffities obliged them to iAue. In conlequence 
of this ftate of things, their bills increafed in 
quantity far beyond the fum nectflary for the pur- 

pofe 
L 1 2 



398 GENERAL HISTORY 

pofe of a circulating medium : and as they want- 
ed at the flime time fpecific funds to reft on for 
their redemption, they faw their paper-currency 
daily fmkin value. The depreciation continued, 
by a kind of gradual progreflion, from the year 
1777 to 1780: fo that, at the latter period, the 
continental dollars were pafTed by common con- 
fent, in moft parts of America, at the rate of at 
lead ||ths below their nominal value. The im- 
poflibility of keeping up the credit of the curren- 
cy to any fixed ftandard, occafioned great and 
almofl: infurmountable embarrafTments in afcer- 
taining the value of property, or carrying on 
trade with any fufficient certainty. Thofe who 
fold, and thofe who bought, were left without a 
rule whereon to form a judgment of their profit 
or their lofs -, and every fpecies of commerce or 
exchange, whether foreign or domeftic, was ex- 
pofed to numberlefs and increafmg difficulties. 
The confequences of the depreciation of the pa- 
per-currency were alfo felt with peculiar feverhy 
by fuch of the Americans as were engaged in 
their military fervices, and greatly augmented 
their other hardfhips. The requifitions made by 
the congrefs to the feveral colonies for fupplies, 
were alfo far from being always regularly com- 
plied with : and their troops were not unfre- 
quently in want of the moft common neceflaries ; 
which naturally occafioned complaints and dif- 
content among them. Such difficulties, refulted 
from their circumftances and fituation, as perhaps 
no wifdom could have prevented. The caufe of 
the Americans appears alfo to have fuffered fome- 
what by their depending too much on temporary 
enliftments. But the congrcfs endeavoured to- 
wards 



OF AMERICA. 399 

wards the clofe of the year 1780, to put their 
army upon a more permanent footing, and to 
give all the fatisfadfion to their officers and foi- 
diers which their circumflances would permit. 
They appointed a committee for arranging their 
finances, and made fome new regulations refpefl- 
ing the war-office and the treaiury-board, and 
other public departments. 

Notwithftanding the difadvantages under 
which they laboured, the Americans feemed to 
entertain no doubts but that they fhould be able 
to maintain their independency. The 4th of Ju- 
ly was celebrated this year at Philadelphia with 
fome pomp, as the anniverfary of American in- 
dependence. A commencement for conferring 
degrees in the arts was held the fame day, in the 
hall of the univerfity there •, at which the prefi- 
dent and members of the congrefs attended, and 
other perfons in public officers. The Chevalier 
de la Luzerne, minifter plenipotentiaty from the 
French king to the United States, was alfo pre- 
fent on the occafion. A charge was publicly ad- 
dreffed by the provoft of the univerfity to the 
fludents ; in which he faid, that he could not but 
congratulate them " on that aufpicious day, 
which, amidfl the confufions and defolations of 
war, beheld learning beginning to revive ; and 
animated them with the pleafing profpe(5l of fee- 
ing the facred lamp of fcience burning with a ftill 
brighter flame, and fcattering its invigorating rays 
over the unexplored deferts of this extenfive con- 
tinent*, until the whole world {hould be involved 
in the united blaze of knowledge, liberty, and 
religion. When he ftretched his views forward 
(he faid); and furveyed the rifmg glories of Ame- 
rica, 



400 GENERAL HISTORY 

rica, the enriching confequences of their deter- 
mined ftruggle for liberty, the extenfive fields 
of intelleflual improvement and ufeful invention, 
in fcience and arts, in agriculture and commerce, 
in religion and government, through which the 
unfettered mind would range, with increafing de- 
light, inquefl of the undifcovered treafure which 
yet lay concealed in the animal, vegetable, and 
mineral kingdoms of the new world ; or in the 
other fertile fources of knowledge with which it 
abounded, — his heart fwelled with the pleafing 
profpe6f, that the ions of that'inllitution would 
diHingHifh themfelves, in the different walks of 
life, by their literary contributions to the embel- 
lilhments and increafe of human happincfs." 

On the 10th of July, M. Ternay, with a fleet 
confining of feven (liips of the line, befides fri- 
gates, and a large body of French troops, com- 
manded by the Count de Rochambeau, arrived 
at Rhode-Ifland ; and the following day 6000 
men were landed there. A committee from the 
general affembly of Rhode-Ifland was appointed 
to congratulate the French general upon his ar- 
rival : whereupon he returned an anfwer, in 
which he informed them, that the king his maf^ 
ter had fent him to the affiffance of his good and 
faithful allies the United States of America. At 
prefent, he faid, he only brought over the van- 
guard of a much greater force deftined for their 
aid ', and the king had ordered him to afTure them, 
that his whole power fhouid be exerted for their 
fupport. He added, that the French troops 
were under the fl:ri6tefl difcipline; and, afling 
under the orders of General Wafhington, would 
Hve with the Americana as their brethren. 

A fcheme 



OF AMERICA. 401 

A fchcme was foon after formed, of making a 
combined attack with Englifh fliips and troops, 
under the command of Sir Henry Clinton and 
Admiral Arbuthnot, againft the French fleet and 
troops at Rhode-Ifland. Accordingly a confider- 
able part of the troops at New- York were em- 
barked for that purpofe. General Wafhington 
having received information of this, paffed the 
North River, by a very rapid movement, and 
with an army encreafed to 12,000 men, proceed- 
ed with celerity towards King's Bridge, in order 
to attack New-York ; but learning that the Bri- 
tiih general had changed his intentions, and dil- 
embarked his troops on the 31fl of the month. 
General Wafhington re-crofTed the river and re- 
turned to his former ftation. Sir Henry Clinton 
and the Admiral had agreed to relinquifh their 
defign of attacking the French and Americans at 
Rhode-lfland as impra6licable for the prefent. 

An unfuccefsful attempt was alfo made about 
this time in the Jerfeys by General Knyphaufen, 
with 7000 British troops under his command, to 
furprife the advanced pofts of General Wafhing- 
ton's army. They proceeded very rapidly to- 
wards Springfield, meeting little oppofitiou till 
they came to the bridge there, which was very 
gallantly defended by 170 of the continental 
troops, for 15 minutes, againfl: the Britifh army : 
but they were at length obliged to give up fo un- 
equal a contef^, with the lofs of 37 men. After 
fecuring this pafs, the Britifli troops marched in- 
to the place and fet fire to mofl of the houfes. 
They alfo committed fome other depredations in 
the Jerfeys ; but gained no laurels there, being 

obliged 



402 GENERAL HISTORY 

obliged to return about the beginning of July 
without effeifling any thing material. 

But in South-Carolina the royal arms were at- 
tended with more fuccefs. Earl Cornwallis, who 
commanded the Britifh troops there, obtained a 
fignal vi<n-ory over General Gates on the 16th of 
Auguft. The adlion began at break of day, in 
a fituation very advantageous for the Britidi 
troops, but very unfavourable to the Americans. 
The latter were much more numerous, but the 
ground on which both armies flood was narrow- 
ed by fwamps on the right and left, h that the 
Americans could not properly avail themfelvesof 
their fuperior numbers. The attack was made 
by the Britifh troops with great vigour, and in a 
few minutes the acf^ion was general along the 
whole line. It was at this time a dead calm with 
a little hazinefs in the air, which preventing the 
fmoke from rifing, occafioned fo thick a dark- 
nefs, that it was difficult to fee the efFeft of a ve- 
ry heavy and well fupported fire on both fides. 
The Britifh troops either kept up a conftant fire, 
or made ufe of bayonets, as opportunities offer- 
ed ; and after an obflinate refinance during three 
quarters of an hour, threw the Americans into 
total confufion, and forced them to give way on 
all quarters. The continental troops behaved re- 
markably well, but the mUitia were foon broken, 
and left the former to oppofe the whole force of 
the Britifli troops. General Gates did all in his 
power to rally the militia, but without effeO: : 
the continentals retreated in fome order ; but the 
rout of the militia was fo great, that the Britifli 
cavalry are faid to have continued the purfuit of 
them to the diilance of 22 miles from the place 

where 



OF AMERICA. 403 

where the aclion happened. The lofs of the 
Americans was very con fiderable; about 1000 
priloners were taken, and more are faid to have 
been killed and wounded, but the number is not 
very accurately afcertained. Seven pieces of brafs 
cannon, a number of colours, and all the ammu- 
nition-waggons of the Americans, were taken. 
Of the Britifh troops, the killed and wounded 
amounted to 213. Among the prifoners taken 
was Major general Baron de Kalb, a Pruflian 
officer in the American fervice, who was mortal- 
ly wounded, having exhibited great gallantry in 
thecourfeof the aflrion, and received 11 wounds. 
The Britiih troops by which this viftory was at- 
chieved, did not much exceed 2000, while the 
American army is faid to have amounted to 6000; 
of which, however, the greateft part was militia. 

Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who had greatly 
dilHnguiflied himfelf in this action, was detached 
the foUov/ing day, with fome cavalry and light 
infantry, amounting to about 350 men, to attack 
a corps of Americans under General Sumpter. 
He executed this fervice with great aflivity and 
military addrefs. He procured good information 
of Sumpter's movements j and by forced and con- 
cealed marches came up with and furprifed him 
in the middle of the day on the 18th near the Ca- 
tawba fords. He totally deftroyed or difperfed. 
his detachment, which confided of 700 men, kill- 
ing 150 on the fpot, and taking two pieces of 
brafs cannon, 300 prifoners, and 44 waggons. 

Not long after thefe events, means were found 
to detach Major-general Arnold, who had en- 
gaged Co ardently in the caufe of America, and 
who had exhibited fo much bravery in fupport of 

it, 



401. GENERAL HISTORY 

iti from theintercfts of the congrefs. Major An- 
dre, adjutant-general to the Britilh army, was a 
principal agent in this tranfa(flion -, or, if the over- 
ture of joining the king's troops came firft from 
Arnold, this gentleman was the perfon employed 
to concert the affair with him. More mufl have 
been originally comprehended in thefchcme than 
the mere defertion of the American caufe by Ar- 
nold : The furrender of Weft-Point into the 
hands of the royal army was the probable obje(ft ; 
but whatever defigns had been formed for pro- 
moting the views of the .Britifli government, they 
were fruftrated by tb j apprehending of Major 
Andre. He was taken in difguife, after having 
afTumed a falfe name, oi^ the 23d of September, 
by three American foldiers, to whom he offered 
confiderable rewards if they would have fufiered 
him to efcape, but vvithout effe6f. Several papers 
written by Arnold were found upon him ; and 
when Arnold had learned that Major Andre was 
feiztid, he found means to get on board a barge, 
and to ribape to one ofthe king's ihips. General 
Wa(hington referred the cafe of Major Andre to 
the examination and decifion of a Doard of general 
officers, confif^mg of Major-gen. Green, P^'Iajor- 
general Lord -Sterling, Major-general the Mar- 
quis dela Fayette, Major-general the Baron de 
SteuDeh, two other Major-generals, and eight 
brig idier-gcnerals. Major Andre was examined 
bev 're them, and the particulars of his cafe en- 
quired into •, and they reported to the American 
commander in chief, that Mr. Andre came on 
Ihore from the Vulture floop of war in the night, 
on an interview with General Arnold, in a private 
and feeret manner; tHat he changed his drefs 

within 



OF AMERICA. 40J 

within the American lines ; and, under a feigned 
name, and in a d ifgui fed habit, pafTed the Ameri- 
can works at Stoney and Verplank*? points, on 
the evening of the 22d of September ; that he 
v/as taken on the morning of the 23d at Tarry- 
town, he being then on his way for New- York : 
and that, when taken, he liad in his poiTe/Iion 
leveral papers which contained intelligence for 
the enemy. Th?y therefore determined, that he 
ought to be confidered as a fpy from the enemy; 
and that, agreeably to the law and ufage of na- 
tions, he ought to fiifFer death. Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, Lieutenant-general Roberifon, and the late 
American general Arnold, all wrote prefling let- 
ters to General Wafhington on the occafjon, in 
order to prevent the decifion of the board of ge- 
neral officers from being put in force ; but their 
applications were ineffeftual. Major Andre was 
hanged at Tappan, in the province of New- York, 
on the 2d of Oaober. He met his fate with 
great firmnefs ; but appeared fomewhat hurt that 
he was not allowed a more, military death, for 
which he had folicited. He was a gentleman of 
very amiable qualities, and had a tafte for litera- 
ture and the fine arts, and pofTefTed many accom- 
plifhments. His death, therefore, was regretted 
even by his enemies ; and the feeming feverity 
of the determination concerning him was much 
exclaimed againft in Great Britain. It was how- 
ever generally acknowledged by impartial per- 
i ons, that there was nothing in the execution of 
this unfortunate gentleman but what was perfeft- 
]y confonant to the rules of war. 

Arnold 
M^ra 



406 GENERAL HISTORY 

Arnold was made a brigadier-general in the 
king's fervice, and publifhed an addrefs to the 
inhabitants of America, dated from New-York, 
0(flober 7, in which he endeavoured to juftify 
his defertion of their caufe. He faid, when he 
firft engaged in it, that he conceived the rights 
of his country to be in danger, and that duty and 
honour called him to her defence. A redrcfs of 
grievances was his only aim and obje(rt: *, and 
therefore he acquiefced unwillingly in the decla- 
ration of independence, becaufe he thought it 
precipitate. But what now induced him to defert 
their caufe was the difguft he had conceived at 
the French alliance, and at the refufal of Con- 
grefs to comply with the laft terms offered by 
Great Britain, which he thought equal to all 
their expecftations and to all their wifhes. 

The Americans, however, accounted for the 
<.ondu6l of Arnold in a different and in a more 
piooable and fatisfaftory manner. They alledg- 
ed that he had fo involved himfelf in debts and 
difficulties by his extravagant manner of living in 
America, that he had rendered it very inconve- 
nient for him to continue there : that after the 
evacuation of Philadelphia by the Britilh troops, 
Arnold, being inverted with the command in that 
city, had made the houfe of Mr. Penn, which 
was the beft in the city, his head quarters. This 
he had furnifhed in an elegant and expenfive 
manner, and lived in a ftyle far beyond his in- 
come. It was manifeft, they faid, that he could 
at firft have no great averfion to the French alli- 
ance, becaufe that when M. Gerard, minifter 
plenipotentiary from the court of France, arrived 
at Philadelphia in July 1778, General Arnold 

early 



OF AMERICA. 407 

early and earneftly folicited that mlnilter, with his 
fuite, to take apartments and bed and board at his 
houfe, until a proper houfe could be provided by 
the order of the congrefs. This offer M. Gerard 
accepted, and continued with him fome weeks. 
The French minifter refided upwards of fourteen 
months in Philadelphia j during which time Ge- 
neral Arnold kept up the mod friendly and inti- 
mate acquaintance with him, and there was a 
continued interchange of dinners, balls, routes, 
and concerts : fo that M. Gerard muft have 
believed, that in General Arnold he had found 
and left one of the warmed friends the court of 
France had in America. He was ftlfo one of the 
fird in congratulating the Chevalier de la Lu- 
zerne, the fecond French minider. About this 
time alfo, complaints and accufations were exhi- 
bited againd him by the government of Philadel- 
phia f©r divers mal-pra<5lices *, among which 
charges were, the appropriation of goods and 
merchandife to his own ufe, which he had feized 
as Britifh property in Philadelphia in July 1778. 
It was determined by a court-martial that his 
conduifi: was highly rcprehenfible ; but he was 
indulgently treated, and was therefore only re- 
primanded by the commander in chief General 
Wafhington. It was in thefe circumdances, the 
Americans laid, bankrupted in reputation, and 
fortune, loaded with debts, and having a grow- 
ing and expenfive family, that General Arnold 
fird turned his thoughts towards joining the 
royal arms. 

After the defeat of General Gates by Earl 
Cornwallis, that nobleman exerted himfelf to the 
iitmod in extending the progrefs of the Britifh 

arms. 



10S GENERAL HISTORY 

arms, and with con fider able effefl. But one cn- 
terprife, which was conducSled by Major Fergu- 
ibn, proved unfuccefsful. That officer had tak- 
en abundant pains to difcipline fome of the Tory 
militia, as they were termed ; and with a party 
of thefe, and fome Britifh troops, amounting in 
the whole to about 1400 men, made incurfions 
into the country. But on the 7th of O<flober, 
he was attacked by a iuperior body of Americans, 
at a place called King's-Mountain, and totally 
defeated. One hundred and fifty were killed in 
thea<fiion; and 810 made prifoners, of which 
i50 were wounded. Fifteen hundred flands of 
arms alio fell into the hands of the Americans, 
whofe lofs was inconfiderable. But the follow- 
ing month Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, with a 
party of 170, chiefly cavalry, attacked General 
Sumpter, who is faid to have had 1000 men, at 
a place called Black flocks, and obliged him to 
retire, Sumpter was wounded, and about 120 
of the Americans killed, wounded, or taken* 
Of the Britifh troops about 50 were killed or 
wounded. 

On the Sd of September, the Mercur}', a con- 
grefs packet, was taken by the Veftal, Cnptaia 
Keppel, near Newfoundland. On board this 
packet was Mr. Laurens, late prefident of the 
congrefs, who was bound on an embaffy to Hol- 
land. He had thrown his papers overboard, but 
great part df them were recovered without hav- 
ing received much damage. He was brought 
to LondoiT, and examined before the privy-coun* 
cil ; in conftquence of which he was committed 
clofe prifoner to the Tower, on the 6th of 061g- 
b^r, on a charge of I/igh treafon. His papers 

were 



OF AMERICJI. 40^ 

%ere delivered to the miniftry, and contributed 
to facilitate a rupture with Holland, as among 
them was found the fketch of a treaty of amity 
and commerce between the Republic of Holland 
and the United States of America. 



CHAP. IX. 



'Revolt of the Pennfylvania line — Tarleton defeat ^ 
ed — Battle at Guildford — Battle at Eutaw — 
Anion between the French and Briti/h Fleets off 
the Chef ape ah — Capture of CornwalHs* 



A 



.T the beginning of the year 1781, an 
C.ffair happened in America, from which expefta- 
rions were formed by Sir Henry Clinton, that 
f^)mc confiderable advantage might be derived to 
the royal caufe. The long continuance of the 
war, and the difficulties under which the con- 
grefs laboured, had prevented their troops from 
being properly fuppiied with neceflaries and con- 
veniencies. In confequence of this, on the firfi: 
of January the American troops that were hutted 
at Morris-town, and who formed what was call- 
ed the Pennfylvania line^ turned out, being in 
number 1300, and declared, that they would 
ferve no longer, unlefs their grievances were re- 
dreded, as they had not received their pay or 

been 
M m 1? 



410 GENER1\L HISTORY 

been furniflied with the necefiary clothing or 
provifions. It is faid that they v/ere fomewhat 
inflamed with liquor, in conlequence of rum hav- 
ing been diftiibuted to them more libernlly than 
iifual, new-year's day being coniidered as a kind 
(jf fcilival. A riot enfued, in which an officer 
was killed, and four wounded *, five or fix of the 
infurgents were alfo wounded. They then col- 
Icded the artillery, Acres, provifjoub, and wag- 
gons, and marched out of the camp. They paf- 
fcd by the quarters of General Wayne, who fent 
a meilage to them, requefting them to defifl, or 
the ccnfequences would prove fatal, llicy re- 
fufed, and proceeded on their march till the even- 
hig, when they took pofl on an advantageous 
piece of ground, and elected officers from amorg 
themfeives. On the fecond day they marched to 
Middlebrook, and on the third to Princeton, 
wli^re they fixed their quarters. On that day 
n flag of truce was fent to them from the officers 
of the American camp, with a meffage, defiring 
to know what were their intentions. Some of 
them anfwered, that they had already ferved 
longer than the time for which they were enlifl- 
ed, and would ferve no longer ; and others, that 
they would not return, unlefs their grievances 
were redreffed. But at the fame time they re- 
peatedly, and in the ftrongeft terms, denied be- 
ing influenced by the leaft difaffeftion to the 
American caufe, or having any intentions of de- 
Icrting to the enemy. 

Intelligence of this tranfaflion was foon con- 
veyed to New«York. A large body of Britifh 
troops were immediately ordered to hold them- 
feives in readinefs to move on the llicrteA notice, 

it 



OF AMERICA. 411 

it being hoped that the American revolters might 
be induced to join the royal army. MefTengers 
were alfo fent to them from General Clinton, ac- 
quainting them that they fhould dire(5]:Iy be take>i 
under the proteflion of the Briti(h goverriment ; 
that they fhould have a free pardon for all for- 
mer offences, and that the pay duetto them from 
the congrefs (hould be faithfully paid them with- 
out any expe<5^ation of military fervice, unlefs it 
fhould be voluntary, upon condition of their 
laying down their arms and returning to their 
allegiance. It was alfo recommended to them 
to move beyond the South River ; and they were / 
afTured, that a body of Britifh troops fhould be 
ready to protcifl them whenever they defired it. 
Thcfe propofitions were reje<^}ed with difdain ; 
and they even delivered up two of Sir Henry 
Clinton's mefTengers to the congrefs. Jofeph 
Reid, Efq. prefident of the ftate of Pennfylvania, 
afterwards repaired to them at Princeton, and an 
accommodation took place : fuch of them as had 
ferved out their full terms were permitted to re- 
turn to their own homes, and others again join- 
ed the American army, upon receiving fatisfac- 
tory afTurances that their grievances fhould be 
red reded. 

On the 11th of January Lord Cornwallis ad- 
vanced towards North Carolina. He wifhed to 
drive Gen. Morgan from his ftation, and to de- 
ter the inhabitants from joining him. The execu- 
tion of this bufinefs was intrufted to Lieut. Col. 
Tarleton ; who was detached with the light and 
legion infantry, the fufileers, the firfl battalion 
of the 7lCc regiment, about 350 cavalry, two 
field pieces, and aa adequate proportion gf men 

from 



412 GENERAL HISTORY 

from the royal artillery, upwards of 1 100 in the 
whole. This detachment, after a progrefs of 
fome days, by fatiguing marches, at about ten 
o'clock on the evening of 16th of January, 
reached the ground which Morgan had quitted 
but a few hours before. The purfuit recom- 
menced by two o'clock the next morning, and 
was rapidly continued through marflies and 
broken grounds till day light, when the Ameri- 
cans were difcovered in front. Two of their vi- 
dettes were taken foon after, who gave informa- 
tion that Morgan had halted and prepared for 
^(5fion, at a place called the Cowpens, near Pa- 
colet river. The Bridfh, befides their field pie- 
ces, had the fuperiority in infantry, in the pro- 
portion of five to four, and in cavalry of more 
than three to one. Befide, nearly two thirds 
of the troops under Morgan were militia. Mor- 
gan had obtained early intelligence of Tarleton's 
force and advances ; and had drawn up his mea 
in two lines. The whole of the North and South 
Carolina miliua prefent was put under the com- 
mand of Colonel Pickens, and formed the firft line; 
which was advanced a few hundred yards before 
the fecond, with orders to form on the right of 
the fecond when forced to. retire. The fecond 
line confuted of the light infantry under Lieut. 
Col. Howard, and the Virginia riflemen. Lieut. 
Col. Wafliington, with his cavalry, and about 
forty-five militia men, mounted and equipped*, 
with fwords, under Lieut. Col. M'Call, were 
drawn up at iome diftance in the rear of the 
whole. The open wood in which they were 
formed was neither fecured in front, flank, or 
rear. Without the delay of a fingle momen?, 

niui 



OF AMERICA. 4ir. 

and in defpite of extreme fatigue the light legion 
infantry and fufileers were ordered to form in 
line. Before the order was executed, and while 
Major Newmarfh, who commanded the latter 
corps, was porting his officers, the line, though 
^ar from complete, was led to the attack by 
Tarleton himfelf. The Britifh advanced with a 
ihout, and poured in an incefTant fire of muf- 
quetry. Col. Pickens dire6led the militia not to 
fire till the Britifh were within forty or fifty yards. 
This order, though executed with great firmnels 
and fuccefs, was not fufficient to repel the enemy. 
The American militia gave way on all quarters. 
The Britifli advanced rapidly, and engaged the 
fecond line. The continentals, after an obftinate 
confli<5V, were compelled to retreat to the cavalry. 
Col. Ogilive, with his troop of forty men, had 
been ordered to charge the right flank of the 
Americans, and was engaged in cutting down 
the militia ; but being expofed to a heavy fire, 
and charged at the fame time by Wafhington's 
dragoons, was forced to retreat in confufion. A 
great number of the Britiih infantry officers had 
already fallen, and nearly a proportionable num- 
ber of privates. The remainder being too few 
too much fatigued, could not improve the advan- 
tage gained over the continentals ; and Tarleton's 
legion cavalry landing aloof inftead of advanc- 
ing, Lieut. Col. Howard feized the favourable 
opportunity, rallied the continentals, and charg- 
ed with fixed bayonets, nearly at the fame mo- 
ment when Waffiington made his fuccefsful at- 
tack. The example was inftantly followed by 
the militia. Nothing could exceed the aftonifh- 
meat of the Britifh, occafioned by thefe unex- 

peaed 



414 GENERAL HISTORY 

pe<fled charges. Their advance fell back, and 
communicated a panic to others, which foon be- 
came general. Two hundred and fifty horfe 
which had not been engaged, fled through the 
woods with the utmoft precipitation, bearing 
down fuch officers as oppofed their flight, and 
the cannon were foon feized by the Americans, 
the detachment from the train being either killed 
or wounded in their defence. The greateft con- 
fufion now followed among the infantry. In the 
moment of it Lieut. Col. Howard called to them 
to lay down their arms, and promifed them good 
quarters. Some hundreds accepted the offer, 
and furrendered. The fir ft battalion of the 71ft 
regiment, and two Britifh light infantry compa- 
nies laid down their arms to the American mili- 
tia. The only body of infantry that efcaped, 
was a detachment left at fome diftance to guard 
the baggage. Early intelligence of their defeat 
was conveyed to the officer commanding that 
corps by fome royalifts. What part of the bag- 
gage could not be carried off he immediately 
deftroyed ; and with his men mounted on the 
waggon and fpare horfes, he retreated to Lord 
Cornwallis. The BritlOi had 10 commiffioned 
officers, and upwards of 100 rank and file 
killed. Two hundred wounded, 29 commi/Tion- 
ed officers, and above 500 privates prifoners, fell 
into the hands of the Americans, befides two 
pieces of artillery (fir ft taken from the BriiiOi at 
Saratoga, then re-taken by them at Camden, and 
now recovered by the Americans) two ftandards, 
800 muflcets, 35 baggage waggons, and upwards 
of 100 dragoon horfes. Waftiington purfued 
Tarleton*s cavalry for feveral giiles j but the far 

greater 



OF AMERICA. 'hi 5 

greater part of them efcaped. They joined their 
army in two feparate divifions. One arrived in 
the neighbourhood of the Britifli encampment 
upon the evening of the fame day j the other 
under Tarleton appeared the next morning. Al- 
though Tarleton's troops had waged a mofl cruel 
warfare, and their progrefs had been marked 
with burnings and devaftations, not a man of 
them was killed, wounded, or even infulted after 
he had furrendered. The Americans had only 
twelve men killed and fixty wounded. 

This defeat of the troops under Tarleton, 
while it re-animated the defponding friends of 
America, and brightened their hopes, was a fe- 
vere ftroke to Lord Cornwallis, as the lofs of his 
light infantry was a great difadvantage to him. 
The day after the event he employed in collefling 
the remains of Tarleton's corps, and in endea- 
vouring to form a jun^lion with General Leflie, 
who had been ordered to march towards him 
with a body of Britifh troops from Wynnefbo- 
rough. Confiderable exertions were then made 
by part of the army, without baggage, to retake 
the prifoners in the hands of the Americans, and 
to intercept General Morgan's corps on its re- 
treat to the Catawba. But that American offi- 
cer, after his defeat of Tarleton, had made forced 
marches up into the country, and crofled the Ca- 
tawba the evening before a great rain, which 
fwelled the river to fuch a degree, as to prevent 
the royal army from croffing for feveral days ; 
during which time the Britifh prifoners were got 
over the Yadkin -, whence they proceeded to Dan 
River, which they alfo pafled, and on the 14th 

of 



416 GENERAL HISTORY 

of February h;id reached Court-Houfe In the 
province of Virginia. 

Lord Cornwailis employed a halt of two days 
in coUecSliug fome flour, and in deflroying fuper- 
fluous baggage and ail his waggons, excepting 
thofe laden with hofpital Aores, fait, and am- 
munition, and four referved empty in readinefs 
for fick or wounded. Being thus freed from 
all unneceflary incumbrance, he marched through 
North-Carolina with great rapidity, and pene- 
trated to the remoteft extremities of that province 
on the banks of the Dan. His progrefs was fome- 
timc? impeded by parties of the militia, and fome 
Ikirmifhes enfued, but he met v.'ith no very con- 
fiderable oppofition. On the firfl of February 
the king's troops crofTed the Catawba at M<Cow~ 
an's Ford, where General Davidfon, with a par- 
ty of American militia, was ported, in order to 
oppofe their pafTage ; but he falling by the firft 
difcharge, the royal troops made good their land- 
ing, and the militia retreated. When Lord Corn- 
wailis arrived at Hillfborough, he eredfed the 
king's Ifaiidard, and invited, by proclamation, 
all loyal l'ubje£ls to repair to it, and to ffand 
forth and take an active part in a/Tiding his Lord- 
(liip to reftore order and government. He had 
been taught to believe that the king's friends were 
numerous in that part of the country : but the 
event did not confirm the truth of the reprefen- 
tadons that had been given. The royalifts were 
but few in number, and fome of them too timid 
to join the king's llandard. There were, indeed, 
about 200 who were proceeding to Hillfborough 
under colonel Pyle, in order to avow their attach- 
ment to the royal caufe ; but they were met ac- 
cidentally 



OF AMERICA. 417 

cidentally and furrounded by a detachment from 
the American army, by whom moft of them 
were cut in pieces. Meanwhile General Green 
was marching with great expedition with the 
troops under his command, in order to form a 
jun(Slion with fome other corps of American 
troops, that he might thereby be enabled to put 
Ibme effectual flop to the progrefs of Lord Corn- 
wallis. 

In other places fome confiderable advantages 
were obtained by the royal arms. On the 4<th 
of January, fome fliips of war with a number of 
tranfports, on board which was a large body o 
troops under the command of Brigadier-General 
Arnold, arrived at Weftover, about 140 miles 
from the Capes of Virginia, where the troops 
immediately landed and marched to Richmond ; 
which they reached without oppofition, the mi- 
litia that was collecfled having retreated on their 
approach. Lieutenant-Colonel Sincoe marched 
from hence wath a detachment of the Britilh 
troops to Weftham, where they deftroyed one 
of the fined foundries for cannon in America, 
and a large quantity of Aores and cannon. Gene- 
ral Arnold, on his arrival at Richmond, found 
there large quantities of fait, rum, fail cloth, and 
tobacco, the lail of which he deftroyed to a ve- 
ry great amount. The Bririfh troops afterwards 
:«ttacked and difperled Coine fmall parties of the 
Americans, took fome f lores and a few pieces of 
cannon, and on the 20th of the fame month 
marched into Portfmouth. On the 25th, Cap- 
tain Barclay, with feveral (hips of war, and a 
body of troops under the command of Major 

Craig, 
N n 



lis GENERAL HISTORY 

Craig, arrived in Cape-Fear River. The troops 
Janded about nine miles from Wilmington, and 
on the 28th entered that town. It was under- 
ftood that their having pofTefTion of that town, 
and being mafters of Cape-Fear River, would be 
produftive of very beneficial effefls to Lord 
Cornwallis's army. 

General Green having efFe(5led a junflion about 
the lOih of March with a continental regiment 
of what were called eighteen months men^ and two 
large bodies of militia belonging to Virginia and 
North-Carolina, formed a refolution to attack 
the Britifli troops under the command of Lord 
Cornwallis. The American army marched from 
the High Rock Ford on the 12th of the month, 
and on the 14ih arrived at Guildford. Lord 
Cornwallis, from the information he had re- 
ceived of the motion of the American general, 
concluded what were his defigns. As they ap- 
proached more nearly to each other, a few fkir- 
midies enfued between fome advanced parties, in 
which the advantage was fometimes gained by 
the Americans and fometimes by the Britifli. On 
the morning of the 15th, Lord Cornwallis march- 
ed with his troops at day-break in order to meet 
the Americans or to attack them in their encamp- 
ment. About four miles from Guildford, the 
advanced guard of the Britifli army, command- 
ed by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, fell in with a 
corps of the Americans, confiding of Lieutenant- 
colonel Lee's legion, iome Back-Mountain men 
and Virginian militia, with whom he had a fe- 
vere fkirmifh, and was, at length, obliged to re- 
treat. 

the 



OF AMERICA. 419 

The greater part of the country in which the 
ai^ion happened is a wilderneis, Vv'ith a few clear- 
ed fields interfpcrfed. The American arnay was 
ported on a rifing ground about a naile and a halt 
from Guildford court houfe. It was drawn up 
in three lines ; the front line was compofed of 
the North-Carolina militia, under the command 
of the generals Butler and Eaton ; the fecond 
line of Virginian milida, commanded by the 
generals Stephens and Lawfon, forming two bri- 
gades ; the third line, confilling of two brigades, 
one of Virginia and one of Maryland continental 
troops, commanded by General Huger and Col. 
Williams. Lieutenant-Colonel Waihingion wiih 
the dragoons of the firfl and third regiments, 
a detachment of light infantry compofed of con- 
tinental troops, and a regiment of riflemen un- 
der colonel Lynch, formed a corps of obferva- 
tion for the fecurity of their right flank. Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a detach^ 
ment of light infantry, and a corps of riflemen 
under Colonel Campbell, formed a corps of ob- 
fervation for the fecurity of their left flank. The 
attack of the American army was diredfed to be 
made by Lord Cornwallis in the following order : 
On the right, the regiment of Bofe and the 7111 
regiment, led by Major-general Leflie, and fup- 
ported by the firfl battalion of guards ; on the 
left, the 23d and 33d regiments, led by Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Webfter,.and fupported by the grena- 
diers and fecond battalion of guards command- 
ed by Brigadier-general O'Hara ; the Yagers and 
light infantry of the guards remained in a wood 
on the left of the guns, and the cavalry in the 

road, 



■r20 GENERAL HISTORY 

road, ready to acl as circumflances iTiight re- 
quire. 

About half an hour after one in the afternoon, 
the a(5lion commenced by a cannonade which lafr- 
ed about twenty minutes j when the Britifh troops 
advanced in 3 columns and attacked the North - 
Carolina brigades with great vigour, and foon 
obliged part of thefe troops to quit the field : 
but the Virginia militia gave them a warm recep- 
tion, and kept up a heavy fire for a long time, 
till, being beaten back, the a£l:ion became gene- 
ral almoU every where. The American corps 
under the Lieutenant-colonels Wafhington and 
Lee were alfo warmly engaged, and did confi- 
derable execution. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton 
bad dire(5lions to keep his cavalry compact, and 
not to charge without pofitive orders, except to 
protefl any of the corps from the mofl evident 
danger of being defeated. The exceflive thick- 
nefs of the woods rendered the Britilh bayonets of 
little ufe, and enabled the broken corps of Ame- 
ricans to make frequent ftands with an irregular 
fire. The fecond battalion of guards firft gained 
the clear ground near Guildford court-houfe, 
and found a corps of continental infantry, fupe- 
rior in number, formed in an open field on the 
Ufi of the road. Deilrcus of fignalizing them- 
felves, they immediately attacked and foon de- 
feated them, taking two fix pounders : but as 
they purfued the Americans into the wood with 
loo much ardour, they were thrown into confu- 
fion by a heavy fire, and infiantly charged and 
driven back into the field by Lieutenant-colonel 
Wailiington** dragoons, with the lofs of the two 
f}x pounders they had taken. But the American 

CTivalry 



OF AMERICA. 421 

cavalry were afterwards repulfed and the two 
fix pounders again fell into the hands of the Bri- 
tifli troops. The Britifh troops having at length 
broken the fecond Maryland regiment, and turn- 
ed the left flank of the Americans, got into the 
rear of the Virginia brigade, and appeared to be 
gaining their right, which would have encircled 
the whole of the continental troops, when Gen. 
Green thought it prudent to order a retreat. 
Many of the American militia difperfed in the 
woods ; but the continental troops retreated in 
good order to Reedy Fork River, and crofled at 
the ford about three miles from the field of ac- 
tion and there halted. When they had colle<5led 
their ifragglers, they retreated to the iron- 
works ; ten miles diftant from Guildford, where 
they encamped. They loft their artillery and two 
waggons laden with ammunition. It was a hard 
fought aflion, and lafted an hour and a half. 
Of the BritiOi troops, the lofs, as flated by Lord 
Cornwallis, was 532 killed, wounded, and mi(I- 
ing. General Green in his account of the a6lion 
tranfmitted to Congrefs, ftated the lofs of the 
continental troops to amount to 329 killed, 
wounded, and miffing ; but he made no eftimate 
of the lofs of the militia, which was fomewhat 
more than 100. Lieutenant-colonel iStuart was 
killed in the a61ion ; and Lieutenant-colonel 
Webrter, and the captains Schuts, Maynard, 
and Goodriche, died of the wounds they had re- 
ceived in it. Brigadier general O'Hara, Briga- 
dier-general Howard, and Lieutenant-colonel 
Tarleton, were alfo wounded. Of the Ameri- 
cans the principal officer killed was Major An- 

derfon 
N n !? 



422 GENERAL HISTORY 

derfon of the Maryland line, and the generals 
Stephens and Huger were wounded. 

The Britifli troops underwent great hardfhips 
in the courfe of this campaign : and in a letter of 
Lord Cornwailis's to Lord George Germain, da- 
ted March 17th, he obferved, that " the foldiers 
had been two days without bread." His lordfhip 
quitted Guildford three days after the battle 
which was fought in that place; and on the 7th 
of April, after a retreat marked with proofs of 
great alarm and precipitation, arrived in the 
neighbourhood of Wilmington. Soon after Ge- 
neral Green, notwithflanding his late defeat, en- 
deavoured to make fome vigorous attempts a^aiud 
the king's forces in South-Carolina. Lord Raw- 
don had been appointed to defend the port of 
Camden, with about 800 Britifli and provincials ^ 
and on the 19th of April General Green ap- 
peared before that place with a large body of con- 
tinentals and militia. He found it, however, 
impoffibie to attempt to florm the town with any 
profpe6f of fuccefs ; and therefore endeavoured 
to take fuch a pofition as (hould induce the Bri- 
tifh troops to ially from their works. He poft- 
cd the Americans about a mile from the town, 
on an eminence which was covered with woods, 
and flanked on the left by an impaffable fwamp. 
But on ^he morning of the 25th, Lord Rawdon 
marched out of Camden, and attacked General 
Green in his camp. The Americans made a vi- 
gorous refinance, but were at length compelled 
to give way •, and the purfuit is faid to have been 
continued three miles. For fome time after the 
adlion commenced. General Green entertained 
great hopes of defeating the Britiih troops \ in 

which 



OF AMERICA. 423 

which, as the Americans were fiiperior in point 
of numbers, he would probably have fucceeded, 
had not Ibmc capital military errors been com- 
mitted by one or two of the officers who ferved 
under him. On the American fide Colonel 
"Wafhington had behaved extrem,ely well in this 
a6lion, having made upwards of 200 of the 
Englifh prifoners, with 10 or 12 officers, before 
he perceived that the Americans were abandon- 
ing the field of battle. The lofs of the Englifh 
was about 100 killed and wounded. Upwards 
of 100 of the Americans were taken prifoners^ 
and, according to the account publidied by Ge- 
neral Green, they had 126 killed and woundedo 
After thi'e^ adlion Green retreated to Rugeley's 
mills, 12 miles from Camden, in order to coUedl 
his troops and wait for reinforcements. 

Notwithftanding the advantage which Lord 
Rawdon had obtained over General Green at 
Camden, that nobleman foon after found it ne- 
cefTary, having burned the goal, mills, many pri- 
vate houfes, and a part of his own baggage, to 
quit that poft j and the Americans made them- 
felves mafters of feveral other pofts that were 
occupied by the king's troops, and the garrifons 
of which were obliged to fur render themfelves 
prifoners of war. Thefe troops were afterwards 
exchanged under a cartel which took place be- 
tween Lord Cornwalhs and General Green for 
the releafe of all prifoners of war in the fouthern 
diftrift. After thefe events. General Green laid 
clofe fiege to Ninety-fix, which was confidered 
as the moft commanding and important of all the 
pofis in the back country ; and on the 19th of 
June he attempted to dorm the gairifon, but was 

repulfed 



424, GENERAL HISTORY 

repulfed by the galjantry of the Britlfli troops, 
with the lofs of about 150 killed, wounded, and 
miffing. General Green then raifed the fiege, 
and retired with his army behind the Saluda^ 
to a flrong fituation, within 16 miles of Ninety- 
fix. 

On the 18th of April a large body of Britifh 
troops, under the command of Major-General 
Philips and Brigadier-general Arnold, embarked 
at Portfmouth in Virginia, in order to proceed on 
an expedition for the purpofe of deftroying fome 
of the American (lores. A party of light-infantry 
were fent 10 or 1 2 miles up the Chickahomany ; 
where they deftroyed feveral armed fhips, fundry 
ware-houfes, and the American ftate (liip-yards. 
At Peterfburg, the Englifh deftroyed 4000 hogs- 
heads of tobacco, one (hip, and a number of 
fmall veflfels on the flocks and in the River. At 
Chefterfield court-houfe, they burnt a range of 
barracks for 2000 men and 300 barrels of flour. 
At a place called OJbornsy they ma^e themfelves 
mafters of feveral vefTels loaded with cordage and 
flour, and deftroyed about 2000 hogfheads of 
tobacco and fundry vefTels were funk and burnt. 
At Warwick, they burnt a magazine of 500 bar- 
rels of flour, fome fine mills belonging to Colo- 
nel Carey, a large range of public rope-v/alks 
and fl:ore-houfes, tan and bark houfes full of 
hides and bark, and great quantities of tobacco. 
A like deftruflion of (lores and goods was made 
in other parts of Virginia. 

From the account already given of fome of the 
principal military operations of the prefent year 
in America, it appears, that though advantages 
had been gained by the royal troops, yet no event 

had 



OF AMERICA. 425 

had taken place from which it cauld rationally 
be expe(fled that the final termination of the war 
would be favourable to Great-Britain. It was 
alfo a difadvantageous circumftance, that there 
was a mifunderfianding between Admiral Ar- 
buthnot and Sir Henry Clinton, and a mutual 
difapprobation of each others conduifl. This 
was manifeft from their difpatches to govern- 
mept, and efpecially from thofe of General Clin- 
ton, whole expre/Tions refpccfling the conduft of 
the admiral were by no means equivocal. 

On the 1 6th of March 1781, a partial allien 
happened off the Capes of Virginia, between the 
fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot, confifting of 
feven i!iips of the line and one fifty-gun fhip, and 
a French fquadron confifting of the fame number 
of (hips of the line, and one forty-gun fhip. 
Some of the fhlps in both fleets received con» 
fiderable damage in the adlion, and the lofs of 
the Englifh was 30 killed and 73 wounded ; but 
no fhip was taken on either fide. The Britidi 
fleet, however, claimed the advantage ; as the 
French were obliged to retire, and were fuppofed 
to be prevented by this afVion from carrying 
troops up the Chefapeak, in order to attack Ge- 
neral Arnold and impede the progrefs of Lord 
Cornwallis. But it was thought an unfortunate 
circumftance, that fome time before this engage- 
ment the Romulus, a Ihip of 44- guns, was cap- 
tured by the French off the Capes of Virginia. 

Lord Cornwallis, after his victory over Ge- 
neral Green at Guildford, proceeded, as we have 
feen, to Wilmington, where he arrived on the 
7th of April. But before he reached that place, 
he publifhcd a proclamation, calling upon all 

lovai 



426 GENERAL HISTORY 

loyal fubje(fi:s to flaud forth and take an a£live 
part in reftoring good order rind government , 
and declaring lo all perfons who had engaged in 
the prefent rebellion againft his majefty's autho- 
rity, but who were now convinced of their error, 
and defirous of returning to their duty and alle- 
giance, that if they would furrender themfelves 
with their arms and ammunition at head-quar- 
ters, or to the officer commanding in the diftri<fls 
contiguous to their refpe<flive places of refidence, 
on or before the 20th of that month, they ihould 
be permitted to return to their refpeflive homes 
upon giving a military parole ; they would be 
prote(5led, in their perfons and properties, from 
all forts of violence from the Britith troops ; and 
would be reftored as foon as poiTible, to all the 
privileges of legal and conflitutional government. 
But it does not appear that any confiderable 
number of the Americans were allured by thefe 
promifes to give any evidences of their attachment 
to the royal caufe. 

On the 20th of May, his Lordfhip arrived at 
Peterfburg in Virginia, where he joined a body 
of Britifh troops that had been under the com- 
mand of Major-general Philips ; but the com- 
mand of which, in confcquence of the death of 
that officer, had devolved upon Brigadier gene- 
ral Arnold. Before this jun<Slion he had encoun. 
tered confiderable inconveniencies from the diffi. 
culty in procuring provifions and forage ; fo that 
in a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he informed him, 
that his cavalry wanted every thing, and his in- 
fantry every thing but fhoes. He added, that 
he had experienced the diflreffes of marching 
hundreds of miles in a country chiefly hoflile, 

without 



OF AMERICA. 427 

without one a£live or nfeful friend, without in- 
telligence, and without comoiuiiication with any 
part of the country. 

On the 26th of J une, about fix miles from ' 
Williamlburg, Lieuten.int-coionel Sirncoe, and. 
350 of the queen's rangers, with 80 mounted 
yagers, were attacked by a much fupcrior body 
of the Americans; but whom they repiiifci with 
great gallantry and with equal fuccefs, making 
four officers and twenty private men prifoners. 
The lofs of the Americans in this adlion is faid 
to have been upwards of 120, and that of the 
Britifh troops not more than 40. 

On the 6th of July an a61ion happened near 
the Green Springs in Virginia, between a recon- 
noitering party of the Americans under General 
Wayne, amounting to about 800, and a large 
part of the Britifh army under Lord Cornwallis ; 
in which the Americans had 127 killed and 
wounded, and the lofs of the royal troops is fup- 
pofed to have been confiderably greater. It was 
an action in which no fmall degree of military 
{kill and courage was exhibited by the Ameri- 
cans. In a variety of fkirmifhes, the Marquis 
de la Fayette very much diftinguifned himlelf, 
and difplayed the utmoft ardour in the American 
caufe. 

In South-Carolina, an a<5fion happened on the 
9th of September near the Eutaw Springs, be- 
tween a large body of Britifh troops under the 
command of Lieutenant-colonel Stuart and an 
equal body of Americans, under the command of 
General Green. It was an obftinate engagement, 
and lafted near two hours. The Britifh, with a 
confiderable lofs, were in the firft part of the 

battle 



428 GENERAL HISTORY 

battle routed in all quarters, but fome having 
taken poft in a piquetted garden, and others 
thrown themfelves into a brick houfe, the eager- 
nefs of the American purfuit was confiderably 
checked, and gave Colonel Stuart an opportunity 
on the evening of the next day, to abandon the 
Eutaw, and march towards Charleflon, taking 
a number of his wounded,, and about one ihou- 
fand ftand of arms. 

In the courfe of the fame month, General Ar- 
nold was fent on an expedition again fl: New -Lon- 
don, in Conneflicut, where he dertroyed a great 
part of the Ihipping, and an immenfe quantity of 
naval ftores, European manufa(5lures, and Eaft 
and Weft India commodities. The town itfelf 
was alfo burnt, which is faid, but untruly, to 
have been unavoidable, on account of the explo- 
flons of great quantities of gunpowder which 
happened to be in the florc-houfes that were {et 
on fire. A fort, of which it was thought necef- 
fary to gain pofTefTion in this expedition, was not 
taken without confiderable lofs. This was Fort- 
Grifwold ; which was defended by the Ameri- 
cans with great gallantry, and the 'affault was 
made by the Engli{h with equal bravery. The 
Britifh troops entered the works with fixed 
bayonets, and were oppofed with great vigour 
by the garriibn with long fpears. After a moft 
obflinate defence of near forty minutes, the af- 
faikiits gained pofieffion of the fort, in which 85 
Americans were found dead, and 60 wounded, 
mofl of them mortally ; but of the killed, it is 
painful to obferve, that the greater number fell 
after the Britifh entered the fort, and when re- 
fiftance had ceafed. Of the Britifh troops Major 

Montgomery 



OF AMERICA, 42y 

Montgomery was killed by a fpear in entering 
the American works; and 192 men were alio 
killed and wounded in this expedition. 

Notwithftanding the advantage that Lord 
Cornwallis had. obtained over the Americans, his 
fituation in Virginia began by degrees to be very 
critical ; and the rather becaufe he did not re- 
ceive thofe reinforcements and fiipplies from Sir 
Henry Clinton, of which he had formed expecfl- 
ations, and which he conceived to be neceffary to 
the fuccefs of his operations. Indeed, the com- 
mander in chief tvas prevented from fending thofe 
reinforcements to Lord Cornwallis which he 
otherwife might have done, by his fears refpecTt- 
ing New-York, againft which he entertained 
great apprehenfions that General Walliington 
intended to make a very formidable attack. In 
fa(fl that able American general had this objedl 
in view ; and while the attack was in ferious con- 
templation, a letter from him detailing the par- 
ticulars of the intended operations of the cam- 
paign, being intercepted, fell into the hands of 
Sir Henry Clinton. After the plan was changed, 
the royal commander was fo much under theim- 
preffion of the intelligence contained in the in- 
tercepted letter, that he believed every movement 
towards Virginia to be a feint, calculated to draw 
off his attention from the defence of New-York. 
Under the influence of this opinion he bent his 
whole force to flrengthen that poit, andibfFcred 
the.French and American armies to pafs without 
any molellation. When the firH opportunity of 
llriking at them was elapfed, then for the firft 
t.me he was brought to believe that the allies had 

fixed 
O 



430 GENERAL HISTORY 

fixed on Virginia, for the theatre of their com- 
bined operations. As truth may be made to 
anfwer the purpofes of deception, fo no feint 
of attacking New-York, could have been more 
fuccefsful than the real intention. At the fame 
time Gen. Wafhington, by a variety of judicious 
military manoeuvres, in which he completely 
out-generalled the Britifli comL^ander, increafed 
his apprehenfions about New- York, and prevent- 
ed him from fending proper afTiftance to Lord 
Cornwallis. Having for a confiderable time kept 
Sir Henry Clinton in perpetual alarm in New- 
York, though with an army much inferior to 
the garrifon of that city. General Wafhington 
fuddenly quitted his camp at White-plains, crofT- 
ed the Delaware, and marched towards Virginia, 
apparently with a defign to attack Lord Corn- 
wallis. Sir Henry Clinton then received infor- 
mation, that the Count de GrafTe, with a large 
French fleet, was expe(fl:ed every moment in the 
Chefapeak, in order to co-operate with General 
Wafhington. In the mean time, Lord Cornwal- 
lis had taken pofleflion of the polls of York-Town 
and Gloucefter in Virginia. He applied himfelf 
with the utmoft diligence to fortify thefe pofts, 
and to render them equally refpe<flable by land 
and water. His whole force amounted to about 
7000 excellent troops. Before his Lordfhip had 
iixed himfelf and army in thefe pofts, a feries of 
manoeuvres had taken place between him and 
the Marquis dc la Fayette ; in which the Britilh 
general difplayed the boldnefs of enterprife, and 
the marquis the judgment of age, blended with 
the ardor of youth. Fayette, under various pre- 
tences, fent the Pennfylvania troops to the fouth 

fide 



OF AMERICA. Vol 

fide of James River ; collefled a force in Glou- 
cefler County: and made fundry excellent ar- 
rangements, which he early communicated to 
Count de GrafTe by an officer. 

The French and American armies continued 
their march from the northward, till they ar- 
rived at the Head of Elk j within an hour after 
they received an exprefs from Count de GraflTr, 
with the joyful account of his arrival and fitua- 
tion. This circumftance will appear the more 
remarkable, when we confider the original dif- 
tance of the parties, as well from the Icene of 
a(5lion, as from each other, and the various acci- 
dents, difficulties, and delays, to which they 
were all liable. The greateft harmony fubfifled 
between Wafhington and Rochambeau, which 
leffened fome of the difficulties attending their 
joint operations. The former being without a 
fufficiency of money to fupply his troops, applied 
to the count for a loan, which was inflantly 
granted. In order to haften the arrival of the 
allied troops, de GrafTe fele61ed feven vefTels, 
drawing the leafl: water, to tranfport them down 
the Chefapeak-Bay. But the moment they were 
ready to fail on this fervice, the count was oblig- 
ed to prepare for repelling the Britifh fleet. 
When Mr. de Barras arrived, he fent up thole 
tranfports he brought with him for the troops : 
de Grafle after that added to them as many fri- 
gates as he could. By the 25th of September 
ail the troops were arrived and landed at Wil- 
liamfburg, and preparations were made with all 
poffible defpatch for putting the army in a fitua- 
tion to move down towards York-Town. Ge- 
neral VVafliington and Count de RochambeaH, 

with 



432 GENERAL HISTORY 

with their fuites nnd other officers, had reached 
William fburg by hard travelling,- on the 14rth, 
eleven days Iboner. Here the general found a 
vefTel ready to convey him to the capes of Vir- 
ginia, fent by Count de GrafTe, as he could not 
with propriety leave his fleet. The commander 
in chief and the Count de Rochambeau, accom- 
panied by Generals ChaMlux, Du Portail, and 
Knox, immediately proceeded to vifit the count 
on board the Ville de Paris. A council was 
held, and the count de Grafle detailed his en- 
gagements to be in the "Wefl-Indies at the latter 
(tud of 0<flober or beginning of November. But 
he finally agreed to continue in the Chefapeak 
until the operation againflLordCornwallis {hould 
be decided. After which the company returned. 
All the American and French troops formed 
a juntfbion at Williamfburg. The Marquis de la 
Fayette had been joined by 3000 under St. Simon 
Ibme days before the 25th of September. The 
whole regular force thus colledled amounted to 
between 11 and 12,000 men. The militia of 
Virginia were alfo called out to fervice, and were 
commanded by Gov. Nelfon. On the 27th 
Gen. Wafhingtoo gave out in general orders — 
" if the enemy fhould be tempted to meet the 
army on its march, the general particularly en- 
joins the troops to place their principal reliance 
on the bayonet, that they may prove the vanity 
of the hcajl ivhich the Brit'ifi male of their peculiar 
jrowefs ifi decidifig battles with that iveapon.^^ The 
next morning thearmy marched, and halted about 
two miles from York-Town juft before fun-fet. 
The officers and folcjiers were ordered to lie on 
their arms the whole night. On the 30th, Col. 

Scammel 



OF AMERICA. 43*^ 

Scammel (being officer of the day) in approach- 
ing the enemy's outer works, to fee if they had 
really left them, was mortally wounded and tak- 
en prifoner by a party of the enemy's horfe, which 
lay fecreted. This day Lord Cornwallis was 
clofely inverted in York Town. The French 
extended from the river above the town to a mo- 
rafs in the centre, where they were met by the 
Americans, who occupied the oppofite fide from 
the river to that fpot. The poft at Gloucefter 
Point was at the fame time, invefted by the Duke 
de Lauzun with his legion, and a number of 
Virginia militia under Gen. Weeden. 

Before the troops left Williamfburgh, Gen. 
Waftiington received a letter from the Count de 
Graffe, informing him, that in cafe of the appear- 
ance of a Britifh fleet, the count conceived it to 
be his duty to go out and meet them at fea, in- 
ftead of fighting in a confined fituation. This 
information exceedingly alarmed the general, 
who inftantly faw the probability of the Britifh 
fleet's manoeuvring in fuch a manner, as to rein- 
force or withdraw Lord Cornwallis. To prevent 
a meafure pregnant with fo much evil, his excel- 
lency wrote to the count on the 26th : <' I am 
unable to defcribe the painful anxiety under 
which I have laboured fince the reception of your 
letter of 23d inllant. It obliges me warmly to 
urge a perfeverance in the plan agreed upon. 
The attempt upon York, under the proteflion of 
your fliipping is as certain of fuccefs as a fuperior 
force and a fuperiority of meafures can render 
any military operation. The capture of the Bri- 
tifh army is a matter fo important in itfelf and in 

its 
O 2 



4.34. GENERAL HISTORY 

its confequences, that it muft greatly tend to put 
an end to the war. If your excellency quits the 
Bay, an accefs is open to relieve York, of which 
the enemy will inftantly avail themfelves. The 
confequenceof this will be, not only the difgrace, 
but the probable difbanding of the whole army; 
for the prefent feat of war being fuch,. as abfo- 
iutely precludes the ufe of waggons, from the 
great number of large rivers which interfecft the 
country, there will be a total want of provifions. 
This provincejias been fo exhaufted, that fubfift- 
ence muft be drawn from a diflance, and that 
can only be done by a fuperior fleet in the Bay.' 
I earneftly beg your excellency to confider, that 
if by moving your fleet from the fituation agreed 
upon, we lofe the prefent opportunity, we ftiall 
never hereafter have it in our power to flrike fo 
decifive a ftroke, and the period of an honoura- 
ble peace will be further diflant than ever. Sup- 
pofing the force, faid to have arrived under Adm. 
Digby, to be true, their whole force united can- 
not be fuch as to give them any hopes of fuccefs 
in the attacking your fleet. I am to prefs your 
excellency to perfevere in the fcheme fo hc.ppily 
concerted between us. Permit me to add, that 
the abfence of your fleet from the Bay may fruf- 
trate our defign upon the garrifon at York. For, 
in the prefent fituation, Lord Cornwaliis might 
evacuate the place with the lofs of his artillery, 
baggage, and a few men ; facrificcs, which would 
be highly juflifiable, from the defire of faving the 
body of the army. — The Marquis de la Fayette 
carries this. He is not to pafs the Gape for fear 
of accident, in cafe you fhould be at fea." This 
letter with the Marquis's perfuafions had the de- 
fire d 



OF AMERICA. 435 

iired effefl ; and the fame hour when the com- 
bined army appeared before York-Town, the 
French fleet was brought to the mouth of the ri- 
ver, and by their pofition efFe(5tually covered all 
fubfequent military operations, and prevented 
either the retreat or fuccour of Lord Cornwaliiis^s 
army by water. The pofh of York and Glou- 
cefter were the mofl: favourable of any in the 
country for befleging the Britifh, and preventing 
their efcape, when the fiege was fupported by a 
fuperior land and naval force. 

Lord Cornwallis was fufficiently ftrong for 
fighting the Marquis de la Fayette, even after he 
had been joined by St. Simon ; and he is thought 
to have been miflaken in not engaging them either 
feparately or together. The moment he heard 
that the allied troops were at the Head of Elk, 
and that de GrafTe was arrived with fo powerful 
a fleet at the Chefapeak, his lord (hip (hould have 
pufhed off for Charlefton. Therefore it was that 
Gen. Green wrote to Baron Steuben on the 17th, 
■ — <» Nothing can fave Cornwallis but a rapid 
retreat through North Carolina to Charlefton.** 
His Lordfhip*s condu6l was influenced by an 
expecflation of a reinforcement from Sir Henry 
Clinton, and a full perfuafion that thofe exertions 
would be made at New-York, and fuch a naval 
Arength would arrive from thence in time, as 
would effeftually relieve him. This may be 
gathered from his writing on the 16th: " If I 
had no hopes of relief, I would rather ri(k an 
action than defend my half-fimflied works, But 
as you fay, Adm. Digby is hourly expecTted, and 
have promifed exertions to aflifl: me, I do not 
think myfelf jullifiable in putting the fate of the 

war 



436 GENERAL HISTORY 

war upon fo defperate an attempt." He mud 
have meant that of fighting Fayette and St. Si- 
mon, for the troops of Generals Wafliington and 
Rochambeau did not arrive till afterward. Fay- 
ette had taken a ftrong pofition : but the attempt 
would not have appeared fo defperate to his 
lordfhip, had he known the real number of the 
enemy. 

The trenches were opened by the combined 
armies on the 6th of GcTl-ober, at 600 yards dif- 
tance from Cornwallis*s works. The night being 
dark and rainy was well adapted to the fervice, 
in which there was not a man hurt. In the af- 
ternoon of the 9th, the redoubts and batteries 
being completed, a general difcharge of 24- and 
18 pounders and of 10 inch mortars commenced 
by the Americans on the right, and continued all 
night without intermilTion. The next morning, 
the French opened their batteries on the left, 
and a tremendous roar of cannon and mortars 
was continued for fix or eight hours without 
ceafing. There was an incefTant fire through the 
fucceeding night. By one of the French (hells, 
the Charon of 44 guns and a tranfport fhip were 
fet on fire and burnt. The following morning, 
the enemy's other guard (hip was fired by one of 
the American fhelis and confumed. At night the 
befiegers opened their fecond parallel, 200 yards 
from the works of the befieged. The Americans 
had 3 men killed and 1 wounded by a French 
cannon, which fired too low. On the 14th in 
the evening, an American battalion was ordered 
into the iecond parallel, and to begin a large bat- 
tery in advance on the right. A few minutes 
before they began to break ground, the enemy 

kept 



OF AMERICA. 437 

kept a conriant fire upon them, one of their (hells 
burft in the centre of the battalion, and killed 
n captain and one private, and wounded a fecond. 
The fire of the befieged was very great through 
the night ; and it was thought that the befiegers 
lofl as many men within 24 hours at this period, 
as they had done nearly the whole fiege before. 
The redoubts, which were advanced about 200 
yards on the left of the Britifli, greatly impeded 
the progrefs of the combined armies. An attack 
on thefe was therefore propofed. — To excite a 
fpirit of emulation the redudlion of the one was 
committed to the French ; of the other to the 
Americans. The light infantry of the latter were 
commanded by the Marquis de la Fayette ; and 
the fervice was allotted to a fele6l corps. The 

Marquis faid to General Wafhington " The 

troops fhould retaliate on the Britifh, for the 
cruelties they have praftifed." The general an- 
iwered— '< You have full command, and may 
order as you pleafe." The marquis ordered the 
party to remember New London, and to retali- 
ate, by putting the men in the redoubt to the 
fword after having carried it. The men march- 
ed to the aflault with unloaded arms, at dark on 
the night of the 14th, pafTed the abati?, and 
palifades, and attacking on all fides carried the 
redoubt in a few minutes, with the lofs of 8 kill- 
ed and 28 wounded. Lieut. Col. Laurens per- 
ibnally took the commanding officer. The co- 
lonel's humanity and that of the Americans fo 
efFe<51ually overcame their refentments, that they 
fpared the Britifh. When bringing them off as 
prifoners, they faid among themfelves — ** Why ! 
how is this? We were ordered to put' them to 

death." 



438 GENERAL HISTORY 

death." Being afked by others why they had 
not done it, they anfwered, — << We could not, 
when they begged and cried fo upon their knees 
for their lives." About five of the Britifh were 
killed, and 1 major, 1 captain, and 1 enfign, and 
20 privates captured. Colonel Hamilton, who 
condu(5led the enterprife with much addrefs and 
intrepidity, in his report to the marquis, men- 
tioned, to the honour of his detachment — " that 
incapable of imitating examples of barbarity, and 
forgetting recent provocations, they fpared eve- 
ry man that ceafed to refift." The French were 
equally fuccefsful on their fide. They carried 
the redoubt committed to them with rapidity, 
but loft a confiderable number of men. Thefe 
two works being taken into the fecond parallel 
facilitated the fubfequent operations. 

The Britifh were fo weakened by the fire of 
the combined armies, but chiefly by ficknefs that 
lord Cornwallis could not venture any confide- 
rable number in the making of fallies. The pre- 
fent/emergency however was fuch, that a little 
before day break of the morning of the 16th he 
ordered a fortie of about 400 men, under Lieut. 
Col. Abercromby to attack two batteries which 
feemed to be in the greateft forwardnefs, and to 
fpike the guns. Two detachments were appoint- 
ed to the fervice ; and both attacks were made 
with fuch impctuofity, that the redoubts which 
covered the batteries, were forced, and eleven 
pieces of cannon fpiked. The French troops who 
had the guard of that part of the entrenchment, 
fuffered confiderably. This fuccefsful acflion did 
honour to the officers and troops engaged, but 
produced no effential benefit. The cannon, be- 
ing 



OF AMERICA. 439 

ing haftily fpiked, were ibon rendered again fer- 
viceable •, and the combined forces were fo in- 
duflrions, that they finidied their batteries, open- 
ed them about 4? o'clock in the afternoon, and 
fired briflcly. Their feveral batteries were now 
covered with near 100 pieces of heavy ordnance ; 
and the Britifh works were fo deftroyed, that 
they could fcarcely fhow a (Ingle gun. 

Thus was lord Cornwallis reduced to the nc- 
ceffity of preparing for a furrender, or of at- 
tempting an efcape. He determined upon the 
latter. Boats were prepared under different pre- 
texts, for the reception of the troops by ten at 
night, in order to pafs them over to Glouceller 
Point. The arrangements were made with the 
utmofl: fecrecy. The intention was to abandon 
the baggage, and to leave a detachment behind 
to capitulate for the town's people, and tor the 
fick and wounded, his lordfhip had alfo prepared 
a letter on the fubje6f, to be delivered to Gen. 
Wa(hington after his departure. The firO: em- 
barkation had arrived at Gloucefter Point, and 
the greater part of the troops were already land- 
ed, when the weather, which was before mod: 
moderate and calm, inftantly changed to a vio- 
lent ftorm of wind and rain. The boats with 
the remaining troops were all driven down the 
river, and the defign of pafling was not only en- 
• tirely fruflrated, but the abience of the boats ren- 
dered it impoflible to bring back the troops from 
Gloucefter, Thus weakened and divided, the 
army was in the moll imminent danger. The 
boats however returned : and the troops were 
brought back without much lofs in the courfe of 
the forenoon. 

Matters 



440 GENERAL HISTORY 

Matters were now haflening to a crlfis, which 
could not be longer averted. The Britifh works 
were finking under the weight of the American 
and French artillery. The continuance of the 
allied fire, only for a few more hours, would re- 
duce them to fuch a condition that it would be 
raihnefs to attempt their defence. — The time for 
expcdling relief from New- York was elapfed. 
The flrength and fpirit of the royal troops were 
worn down by conftant watching, and unremit- 
ing fatigue. Lord Cornwallis therefore fent 
out a flag at ten o'clock in the morning of the 
17th, with a letter to General Wafhington, re- 
queuing a celTation of arms for twenty-four 
hours, and that commiffioners might be appoint- 
ed for digefling the terms of capitulation. An 
anfwer was given •, and a reply forwarded in the 
afternoon •, to which Gen. Wafhington rejoined 
the next day, declaring the general bafis on which 
the capitulation might take place. Commiflion- 
crs were appointed — on the fide of the allies, 
Vifcount de Noaiiles and Lieut. Col. Laurens, 
whofe father was in clofe confinement in the 
tower, while the fon was drawing up articles by 
which an Englifh nobleman and a Britifh army 
became prifoners. While fettling the terms, the 
Vifcount wiflied his Lordfhip to fUte, upon his 
honour, the value of the military chefl. His 
Lordfhip declared it to be about 18001. flerling. 
The vifcount obferved that the fum was lb trifling, 
that it was not worth bringing into the account, 
and therefore was for leaving it entirely at Corn- 
wallis's dilpofal. Laurens interfered, and ob- 
ferved to his colleague, that though it was natu- 
ral for a fubje<rt of one of the greatcfl monarch s 

in 



OF AMERICA. 4M 

in the world to think ISOOl. an inconfiderable 
funij yet, for his part, being a fubje<5t of an in- 
fant ftate, (Iruggling with infinite inconveniences, 
and where money was very rare, he mnft deem 
it a very confiderable fum ; and therefore he in- 
fixed that it (hould be accounted for. This was 
accordingly done ; and afterwards it was paid 
into the bands of Timothy Pickering, Efq. Ame- 
rican quarter-mafier general, to the amount of 
21131. 6s. fterling, ellisiiating the dollar at 4?. 
8d. — There being a manlfeft impropriety in the 
Americans flipulating for the return of the ne. 
groes, while they themfelves were avowedly 
fighting for their own liberties, they covered 
their intention of repoffeffing them, under rhefe 
general terms with which the fourth article cl jfed 
— -< It is underftood, that any property obvioufly 
belonging to the inhabitants of thefe Hates, in 
the pofTedion of the garrilon, fhall be lubjecfl to 
be reclaimed." 

The pofts of York and Gloucefter were fur- 
rendered on the 19th. The honour of marching 
out vvith colours flying, which had been denied 
Gen. Lincoln, was now refufed to Lord Corn- 
wallis; and Lincoln was appointed to receive the 
fnbmiffion of the royal army at York-Town, pre- 
cifely in the iame way his own had been con- 
du(5fed about 18 months before. The troops of 
every kind that furrendered prifoners of war, 
exceeded 7000 men ; but fuch was the number 
of fick and wounded, that there were only 3800 
capable of bearing arms. The officers and fol- 
diers rtrained their baggage and etfc6fs. Fifteen 
hundred feamen partook of the fate of the gar- 

rifon. 



412 GENERAL HISTORY 

rlfon. The Guadaloupe frigate of 24 guns, and 
a number of tranfports were furrendered to the 
conquerors : about twenty tranfports had been 
funk or burnt during the fiege. TThe land forces 
became prifoners to congrefs : but the feamen 
and fliips v/ere affigned to the French admiral. 
The Americans obtained a numerous artillery, 
75 brafs ordnance and 69 iron cannon, howitz- 
ers and mortars. 

Lord Cornwallis endeavoured to obtain per- 
miflion for the Britlfh and German troops to re- 
turn to their refpeftive countries, under engage- 
ments not to ferve againft France or America ; 
and alfo an indemnity for thofe who had joined 
him : but he was obliged to confent, that the 
former fhould be retained in the governments of 
Virginia, Pennfylvania and Maryland ; and that 
the latter, whofe cafe lay with the civil authority 
of the ftates, (hould be given to the uncondition- 
al mercy of their countrymen. His lordQiip, 
however, obtained permiffion for the Bonetta 
floop of war to pafs unexamined, which gave an 
opportunity of fcreening thofe of the royalifts 
who were moft obnoxious to the refentment of 
the Americans. He look care alfo to have it fti- 
pulated, that no article of the capitulation (hould 
be infringed on pretext of reprifal. His lord- 
fliip, with all civil and military officers, except 
thofe of the latter who were neceiTarily left be- 
hind for the prote(flion and government of the 
foldiers, were at liberty to go upon parole, either 
to Great Britain or New- York. He acknowledg- 
ed in his public letter, that the treatment which 
he and the army had received after the furrender, 
was perfe(rtly good and proper. His lordftiip 

fpake 



OF AMERICA. 4t'J 

rpake in thcfe warm terms of the kladaefs and 
attention fliown to them, by the French officers 
in particular — « Their deliberate fenfibility of 
our fituation, their generous and prelTmg offers 
of money, both public and private, to any 
amount, h^s really gone beyond what I can poi- 
fjbly defcribe/' 

On the 2()rh of 06^ober, the American com- 
mander in chief, cungratulated in general orders 
the army on the glorious event of the pvecediiig 
day j and tendered to the generals, officers and 
privates, his thanks in the warmefl language. He 
with gratitude returned his fincere acknowledg- 
ments to Gov. Nelfon of Virginia, for the fuc- 
cours received from him and the militia under 
him. To fpread the general joy in all hearts, 
he commanded that thofe of the army, who were 
under arrefl, (hould be pardoned and fet at li- 
berty. The orders clofed with — Divine fervice 
ihall be performed to-morrow in the different 
brigades and divifions. The commander in chief 
recommends, that all the troops that are not upon 
duty, do affid at it v/ith a ferious deportment, 
and that fenfibility of heart which the recolle(5fion 
of the furprifing and particular interpofition of 
Providence in our favour, claims" 

The Britiffi fleet and army deftined for th^ re- 
lief of Lord Cornw^allis, arrived off the Chefa- 
ptak on the 24<th ; but on receiving authentic ac- 
counts of his furrender, they returned to New- 
York. A few days after their firft return, the 
fleet was increafed by four fhips of the line ; but 
fuch was the fuperiority of the French by de 
Barras's juncStion with the Count de Graffe, that 
nothing fliort of defperate circumftances could 

juitify 



iU GENERAL HISTORY 

juAify attempting a frefh engagement. Thefe 
circumflances hov.'cver exifting, the Britifti naval 
commanders ufcd a!l pofiible expedition in refit- 
ting the fnips^ v.'ith the deilgn of extricating 
Cornwallis and his army. The dehiy cccafipned 
by this bnfincfs feemed to be compenfated by the 
arrival of Prince William and Torbay men of 
war from Jamaica. It was determined that every 
exertion fliould be ufed both by the fleet and 
army to form a juncfiion with the Britiih force 
in Virginia. Sir Henry Clinton embarked with 
about 7000 of his belt forces. It was never- 
thelefs the I9rh of October before the fleet could 
fall down to the Hook. They amounted to 25 
Ihipr- of the line, 2 fifties, and 8 frigates. When 
they appeared ofFthe Chefapeak, the French made 
no manner of movement, though they had 36. 
fhips of the line, being fatisfied with their prefent 
fuccefs. The main error, which paved the way 
to the capture of the Britifn army, appears to be 
the omifiion of fending a larger force from the 
Weft Indies than that which was defpatched 
under Sir Samuel Hood. A few more fliips in 
the firll inflance might have prevented that moft 
woful dilappoiniment with which both Sir Henry 
Clinton and Lord Cornwallis have been painfully 
exercifed. 

Every argument and perfuafion was ufed with 
the Count de Gralfe to induce him to aid the 
combined army in an operation againll: Charlef- 
ton ; but the advanced feafon, the orders of his 
court, and his own engagements to be punftual 
to a certain time fixed for his ulterior operations, 
prevented his compliance. His inftru<ftions had 

fixed 



OF AMERICA. 445 

fixed his departure even to the 15th of O^lober ; 
he however early engaged to flay longer. Could 
he have extended his co-operation two months 
more, there would moft probably have been a 
total extirpation of the BritiQi force in the Caro- 
linas and Georgia. On the 27th, the troops 
under the Marquis St. Simon began to embark 
for the Weft Indies; and about the 5th of No- 
vember, the Count de GrafTe failed from the 
Chefapeak. 

The Marquis De La Fayette being about to 
leave America, the following expreflions made a 
part of the orders iflTued by him previous to his 
departure from York Town — *« Orders for the 
firft brigade of light infantry, ilTued by major- 
general the marquis de la Fayette, Off. 31, 1781. 
In the moment the major-general leaves this place, 
he wifhes once more to exprefs his gratitude to 
the brave corps of light infantry, who for nine 
months pari: have been the companions of his 
fortunes. He will never forget, that with them 
alone of regular troops, he had the good fortune 
to manoeuvre before an army, which after all its 
redu6lions is ftill fix times fuperior to the regu- 
lar force he had at the time." Four days after, 
this brigade embarked for the Head of Elk ; the 
invalids of the Am.erican troops deftined for the 
northward having previoufly done it. The New 
Jerfey and part of the New Yoik lines marched 
by land, and were to join the troops which 
went by water at the Head of Elk. Such cavaU 
ry as were wanted by General Green marched 
feveral days before ; and on the 5th of Novem- 
ber a reinforcement marched under Gen. St. 

Clair, 
P p 2 



446 GENERAL HISTORY 

Clair, in order to ftrengthen him for further of- 
fenfive operations in South Carolina. The feafon 
of the year was unfavourable for the return of 
the troops to the North river, fothat they fuffer- 
cd much in doing it. But they and their comrades 
had been blefled with a ieries of the moft de- 
lightful weather from the beginning of their 
march toward York Town, until the redu(f!:ion 
of the place. 

No fooncr had congrefs received ar>d read Ge- 
neral Wafhington's letter, giving information of 
the rcduiflion of the Britifh army, than they re- 
folved, on the 24-th of 0<ftober, that they would 
at two o^clock go in proce/Tion to the Dutch Lu- 
theran Church, and return thanks to Almighty 
_ God, for crowning the allied arms of the United 
States and France, with fuccefs by the furrender 
of the whole Britifh army under the command 
of Earl Cornwallis. This army had fpread Wiifle 
and ruin over the face of Virginia for 400 miles 
on the fea-coaft, and for 200 to the weftward. 
Their numbers enabled them to go where they 
plealed ; and their rage for plunder difpofed them 
to take whatever they efteemed moft valuable. 
The reduflion of fuch an army occafioned tranl- 
ports of joy in the breaii of every American. 
But that joy was increafed and maintained, by the 
further confideration of the influence it would 
Jiave m procuring fuch a peace as was defired. 
Two days after the congrels idued a proclama- 
tion for religioufly obferving throughout the 
United States, the 13th of December, as a day 
of thankfgiving and prayer. On the 29th of 
Odlobtr, they refolved, that thanks fhould be 
prcfeated to Gen. Wafhington, Count de Ro- 

chambeau 



OF AMERICA. 44-7 

chambeau, Count de GrafTe, and the officers of 
the different corps, and the men under their 
command, for their fervices in the redudlion of 
Lord Cornwallis. — They alfo refolved to ereift in 
York Town a marble column, adorned with em- 
blems of the alliance between the United States 
and his Moft Chriflian Majefty ; and infcribed 
with a fuccindl narrative of the furrender of the 
Britifh army. Two ftands of colours taken from 
the royal troops, under the capitulation, were 
prelented to Gen. Waftiington, in the name of 
the United States in Congrefs alTembled ; and 
two pieces of field ordnance fo taken, were by a 
rcfolve of Congrefs, to be prefented by Gen. 
Wafhington to Count de Rochambeau, with a 
ihort memorandum engraved thereon, " that 
Congrefs were induced to prefentthem from con- 
fiderations of the illuflrious part which he bore 
in effe(5luating the furrender." It was further re- 
folved to requefl the Chevalier de Luzerne, to 
inform his moft Chriftian Majefty, that it was 
the wifli of Congrefs, that Count de Graffe 
might be permitted to accept a teftimony of their 
approbation, fimilar to that which was to be 
prefented to Count de Rochambeau. Legiflative 
bodies, executive councils, city corporations, and 
many private focieties, prefented congratulatory 
addrefles to Gen. Wafhington accompanied with 
the warmeft acknowledgments to Count de Ro- 
chambeau, Count de Gralfe and the other officers 
in the fervice of his Molt Chriflian Majefiy. 
Places of public worfhip refounded with grateful 
praife to the Lord of Hofis, the God of battles, 
before, at, and after the day of thankfgiving. 
The fingular interefling event of captivating a 

fecond 



448 GENERAL HISTORY 

fecond royal army, produced fuch ftrong emo- 
tions in numbers, both of minifters and people, 
that they could not wait the arrival of the day. 



CHAP. X. 



Sir Guy Carleton arrives at New-Tork with powers 
to treat of Peace — Different places evacuated hy the 
Britifh troops — Independency of America achwiv^ 
ledged — The army dijbandedj and Gen, IVaJhing- 
ton reftgns his Commijfion — Lofs of Men atid 
Treafure by the Jf^ar. 



l\S no rational expecflations now remain- 
ed of a fubjugation of the colonies, the military 
operations that fucceeded in America were of little 
coniequence. Some inconfiderable a6tions and 
fkirmifhes did indeed take place after that event ; 
in which the refugees chiefly diflinguilhed them- 
felves, and difcovered an inveterate animofity 
againftthe Americans. On the 5th of May 1782, 
Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New- York, being 
appointed to the command of the Britifh troops 
in America in the room of Sir Henry Clinton. 
Two days after his arrival, he wrote a letter to 
General Walhington, acquainting him, that Ad- 
miral Digby was joined with himfelf in a com- 
miffion to treat of peace with the people of Ame- 
rica ', tranfmitting to him at the fame time, fome 

papers 



OF AMERICA. 44.9 

papers tending to manifeft the pacific difpofition 
of the government and people of Britain towards 
thofe of America. He alfo defired a pafTport for 
Mr. Morgan, who was appointed to tranfmit a ^ 
fimilar letter of compliment to congrefs. Gene- 
ral Wafliington declined figning any pafTport till 
he had taken the opinion of Congrels upon that 
meafure ; and by them he was direfled to refufe 
any paflport for fuch a purpofe. However, an- 
other letter was fent to General Wafhington, 
dated the 2d of Augufl, figned by Sir Guy Car- 
leton and Rear-admiral Digby, in which they 
informed him, that they were acquainted by'au- 
thority, that negociations for a general peace had 
already commenced at Paris •, that Mr. Grenville 
was invefted with full powers to treat with all 
the parties at war ; and was then at Paris in the 
execution of his commifTion. They farther in- 
formed him, that his Britannic majefly, in order 
to remove all obftacles to that peace which he fo 
ardently wished to reftore, had commanded his 
minifters to dire<ft Mr. Grenville, that the inde- 
pendency of the thirteen provinces fhould be 
propofed by him, in the firft inftance, inftead of 
making it the condition of a general treaty. But 
fome jealoufies were entertained by the Ameri- 
cans, that it was the dellgn of the Britilh court 
either to dlfunite them, or to bring them to treat 
of a peace feparately from their ally the king of 
France •, they therefore refolved, that any man, 
or body of men, who (hould prefume to make 
any feparate or partial convention or agreement 
with the king of Great-Britain, or with any com- 
milTioner or commiilioners under the crown of 
Great-Britain, ought to be confidered and treat- 
ed 



450 GENERAL HISTORY 

ed as open and avowed enemies of the United 
States of America j and alfo, that thofe ftates 
could not with propriety hold any conference or 
treaty with any commiflioners on the part of 
Great Britain, unlefs they lliould, as a prelimi- 
nary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and 
armies, or elfe, in pofitive or exprefs terms, ac- 
knowledge the independency of the faid ftates. 
They Jikewife refolved, that any propofirions 
which might be made by the court of Great Bri- 
tain, in any manner tending to violate the treaty 
fubfifting between them and the king of France, 
ought to be treated with every mark of indignity 
and contempt. 

In the month of June, the town of Sav.mnah, 
and the whole province of Georgia, were evr.rn- 
ated by the Britifh troops; as was alfo Ch: vlei- 
ton, South-Carolina, about the clofe of the year. 
In the mean time, the negociations for peace htv 
ing continued, provifional articles of pence <. -e 
fjgned at Paris on the 30th of November b^ 'e 
commifTioner of his Britannic Majeniy ani .he 
American commiflioners, in which his M;ij;:Ay 
acknowledged the united colonies of New-H.irup- 
fhire, Mafl^ichufctts-Bay, Rhode Ifland, and Pro- 
vidence Plantations, Conneftkur, New- York, 
New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Delaware, Mary- 
land* Virginia, North-Carolina, Soinh-Carolina, 
and Georgia, to be " free, fovereign, and inde- 
pendent ftates." They had conlVituted thcrnfelves 
fuch on the 4th of JulV) 1776; they had been 
acknowledged fuch by the French king on the 
30th of January 1778, when he concluded v/ith 
them a treaty of amity and commerce ; Holland 
had acknowledged them as fuch April 19th 

1782; 



OF AMERICA. 451 

1782 ; Sweden acknowledged them as fuch Fe- 
bruary 5th 1783 ; Denmark the 25th of Febru- 
ary, Spain in March, and Ruffia in July, the 
fame year. 

The Definitive Treaty was figned on the 3d 
of September, 1783 ; and in Aug. Sir Guy Car- 
Icton, h.'.d received his final orders for the eva- 
cuation of New- York. Tuefday, November the 
25th, was the day agreed upon for this evacua- 
tion. To prevent every diforder which might 
otherwife enfue from fuch an event, the Ameri- 
can troops under the command of Gen. Knox 
marched frcm Haerlem to the Bowery-lane in 
the morning. They remained there till about 
one o'clock, when the Britifh forces left the ports 
in the Bowery, and the Americans marched for- 
ward and took pofTellion of the city. This being 
effe(^l-ed. Gen. Knox, and a number of citizens on 
horfeback rode to the Bowery to receive their 
excellencies Gen. Wafhington and Governor 
Clinton, who, v/ith their fuites, made their public 
entry into the city on horfeback-, followed by the 
lieut. governor and the members of council, for 
the temporary government of the fouthern dif- 
tri6f, four abreafl — Gen. Knox and the officers 
of the army, eight abreafi — citizens on horfeback, 
eight abreaft — the fpeaker of the afiembly and 
citizens on foot, eight a breafr. The proceffion 
ceaied at Cape's Tavern. The governor gave a 
public dinner at Frances's Tavern j at which the 
commander in chief and other general officers 
were prefent. The arrangements for the whole 
bufinefs were fo well made and executed, that 
the moft admirable tranquility fucceeded through 
the day and night. Soon after this event, the 

foldiers 



452 GENERAL HISTORY 

foldiers of the American army, cheerfully refum- 
ing the character of citizens, returned peaceably 
to their refpe^tive homes ; while their beloved 
and ever honoured commander, having taken a 
pathetic leave of his officers, repaired to Anna- 
polis, and on the 23d of December, at an au- 
dience with congrefs (perhaps the moft fingular 
and intereiVmg that ever occurred) rifing with 
great dignity, he delivered this addrel's. 

'* — Mr. Prefidenr, the great everts on which 
my refignation depended having at length taken 
place, I have now the honour of offering my 
fincere congratulations to Congrefs, and of pre- 
fenting myfelf before them, to furrendcr into 
their hands. the charge committed to me, and to 
claim the indulgence of retiring from the lervice 
of my country. 

** Happy in the confirmation of our indepen- 
dence and Sovereignty, and pleafed with the op- 
portunity afforded the Uniic 1 States of becom- 
ing a refpedtable nation, 1 refign with fatisfa<5lion 
the appointment I accepted v/ith difnJence — a 
diffidence in my abilities to accomplilli {o arJuous 
a tafk J 'which however was fuperfeded by a con- 
hdence in the re<Sl:itude of our caufe, the fupport 
of the fupreme power of the Union, and the pa- 
tronage of Heaven. 

** The iuccefsful termination of the war has 
verified the moft fanguine expectations ; and 
my gratitude for tlie interpofition of Providence, 
and the alTiftance I have received from my coun- 
trymen, increcies with every review of the mo- 
men'ous conteft. 

** While I repeat my obligations to the army 
in general, 1 (i\ou\d do injuflice to my own teei- 

ings 



OF AMERICA. 453 

ings not to acknowledge in this place, the pecu- 
liar fervices and diftinguifhed merits of the gen- 
tlemen who have been attached to my perfon 
during the war. It was impoflible the choice of 
confidential officers to compofe my family fhould 
have been more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to 
recommend in particular thofe who have continu- 
ed in the fervice to the prefent moment, ^s wor- 
thy of the favorable notice and patronage of Con- 
grefs. 

" I confider it as an indifpenfable duty to clofe 
this laft a(5t of my official life by commending the 
interefts of our deareft country to the protection 
of Almighty God, and thofe who have the fu- 
perintendance of them to his holy keeping. 

" Having now finiflied the work affigned me, 
I retire from the great theatre of a<5lion, and 
bidding an affeClionate farewel to this auguft 
body, under whofe orders I have fo long a6ted, 
I here offer my commiflion, and take leave of all 
the employments of public life." 

The general was fo powerfully imprefTed, with 
the great and interefling fcenes that crowded in 
upon his imagination while fpeaking, that he 
"would have been fcarce able to have uttered more 
than the ciofing period. He advanced and de- 
livered to the Prefident his commiiTion, with a 
copy of his addrefs. Having refumed his place, 
he received in a {landing pofture the following 
anfwer of Congrefs •, which the prefident deli- 
vered with elegance ; bur not without fuch a fen- 
fibility as changed, and Ipread a degree of pale- 
nefs over his countenance. 

** Sir, The United States in Congrefs aflem- 

bled receive, with emotions too affe^ing for ut- 

Q q t^rance, 



454. GENERAL HISTORY 

tcrance, the folemn refignation of the authorities 
under wdiich you have led their troops with fuc- 
eefs through a perilous and doubtful war. Call- 
ed upon by your country to defend its invaded 
rights, you accepted the facred charge, before 
it had formed alliances, and whilA it was with- 
out funds or a government to fupport you. You 
have condu<5led the great military conteft with 
^vifdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the 
rights of the civil power through all difafters and 
changes. You have by the love and confidence 
of your fellow -citizens,' enabled them to difplay 
their martial genius, and tranfmit their fame to 
pofterity. — You have perfevered, till thefc Uni- 
ted States, aided by a magnanimous king and na» 
lion, have been enabled under a juft Providence, 
to clofe the war in freedom, fafety, and indepen- 
dence i on which happy event we fmcerely join 
you in congratulations. 

" Having defended the ftandard of liberty ia 
this new world *, having taught a lefTon ufeful to 
rhofe who inflidl and to ihofe who feel oppreflion, 
you retire/rom the great theatre of action, with 
the blefljngs of your fellow-citizens — but the 
glory of your virtues will not terminate with 
your military command, it will continue to ani- 
mate the remotefl ages. 

« \\re feel with you our obligations to the 
army in general, and will particularly charge 
ourfelves with the interefls, of thofe confidential 
officers, who have attended your perfon to this 
afFefting moment. 

** We join you in commending the interefls 
of our deareft country to the prote<Stion of Al- 
mighty God, befeeching him to difpofe the hearts 

and 



OF AMERICA. 455 

and minds of its citizens, to improve the oppor- 
tunity afforded them, of becoming a happy and 
refpeflable nation. And for you we addrefs to 
him our earneft prayers, that a life fo beloved, 
may be foftered with all his care ; that your days 
may be happy as they have been iiluftrious ; and 
that he will finally give you that reward which 
this world cannot give." 

Having thus refigned his commiffion into the 
hands of the prelident of that honourable body, 
he retired from public life amidft the acclama- 
tions of his grateful and admiring countrymen. 

According to the report of the committee ap- 
pointed for that purpofe, the Foreign Debt of the 
United States incurred by the war, amounted to 
7,885,085 dollars, and the Bomejlic Debt to 
34,115,290, total, at 4s. 6d. each, equal to 
9,450,0841. Sterling, the intereft of which at 
6 per cent, is 567,0051. But the coft to Great 
Britain is moderately computed at 115,654,9141, 
and the additional annual burthen of it 4,557,5751 
fince January 1775. As to the lofs of men 
during the war, the fl:ates of America, it isfup- 
pofed, loft by the fword and in prifon near 80,000 
men ; and by the Britilh returns at New-York, 
the number of foldicrs killed in the fervice 
amounted to 43,633. 



FINIS. 



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